tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-92233287421788686922024-03-13T09:09:44.213-05:00Nahdlatul Ulama 1926Cataloging Academic Works and Studies on Pesantren, Kyai, Kitab Kuning, and the Jam`iyyah NU as the Largest Traditionalist Muslim Movement in IndonesiaNajib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.comBlogger310125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-16008216245673394762023-03-31T19:04:00.001-05:002023-09-23T19:08:41.374-05:00Ziarah Kubur<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 18.0pt; mso-hyphenate: none; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -18.0pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Garamond, serif;">Analisis Budaya <i>Kompas</i>, 1 April 2023. </span><span lang="EN-US"><a href="https://www.kompas.id/baca/opini/2023/03/31/ziarah-kubur" style="color: #954f72; text-decoration: underline;"><span style="font-family: Garamond, serif;">https://www.kompas.id/baca/opini/2023/03/31/ziarah-kubur</span></a></span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Garamond, serif;"></span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Garamond, serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><style class="WebKit-mso-list-quirks-style">
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font-size: 12pt;">“Nahdlatul Ulama”, Analisis Budaya <i>Kompas</i>, 25 Februari 2023. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #954f72; font-family: Garamond, serif;"><a href="https://www.kompas.id/baca/opini/2023/02/24/nahdlatul-ulama-1" style="color: #954f72;">https://www.kompas.id/baca/opini/2023/02/24/nahdlatul-ulama-1</a></span></span></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjthQf56vDQcNG-DHL0jtAfmd7DCKhFVOVsLlGHjQAof-CiBRleSTC1zAuYEBiHuh7wzHJ81jM2JmwyXpvjphxf3gPoivrLX9B8-T6qJf_r553no60rAX110ycl_VG6QXYhBZ1HPcMh_eH9w7qMFQV3eCYs1rHAlyzJnTu214rsLmetM3jR_4k1W3MkpFHw/s1556/Screenshot_20230225-055208.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1556" data-original-width="1080" height="435" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjthQf56vDQcNG-DHL0jtAfmd7DCKhFVOVsLlGHjQAof-CiBRleSTC1zAuYEBiHuh7wzHJ81jM2JmwyXpvjphxf3gPoivrLX9B8-T6qJf_r553no60rAX110ycl_VG6QXYhBZ1HPcMh_eH9w7qMFQV3eCYs1rHAlyzJnTu214rsLmetM3jR_4k1W3MkpFHw/w302-h435/Screenshot_20230225-055208.jpg" width="302" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; 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margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1200" data-original-width="750" height="562" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh8_9fHvBwxlRvxNzv-iuSBkkqdr84ZKyR3VAnFuosa_zNbL9Vsno1JnkoAP3GROAXK-Nxr7SF8EL_cIb2SWLG_LAkcANY2kLgFg-EibpUoibk6xiQon1AKwYCwoVZxN3drnC0rKUmtOYtEJi-uDkW8j56HD3lb-iGCC_FB5ZrrbS1d7-pXW351Ci7leny7/w351-h562/20230225_080403.jpg" width="351" /></a></div><br /><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span><p></p><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Garamond, serif; font-size: 12pt;"></span>Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-23745069491683132182022-02-12T18:58:00.008-06:002023-09-23T20:02:53.468-05:00Reinkarnasi Gus Dur<p> <span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Garamond, serif; font-size: 12pt;">“Reinkarnasi Gus Dur”, Analisis Budaya <i>Kompas</i>, 12 Februari 2022. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><span lang="EN-GB" style="color: #954f72; font-family: Garamond, serif;"><a href="https://www.kompas.id/baca/analisis-budaya/2022/02/11/reinkarnasi-gus-dur" style="color: #954f72;">https://www.kompas.id/baca/analisis-budaya/2022/02/11/reinkarnasi-gus-dur</a></span></span></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9sll_oFQsq2lhn2fVI7e4ZXDYm59m6GCnXHBfTQJ_vLyZai2THbk7tD6sC-kAqAo6PE_hBsKbMmnXvIyXZibhcVMwuxSqqk4rwM6rTn2baexdx7zELEfcVW2q_uKOtdzR4ya7WA7Us5CPMPvWFB6R3YA36UNhhABS3kLL6_D6G-qGOrP0pdLtpQUwFYnC/s2164/Screenshot_20220212-041713.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2164" data-original-width="955" height="647" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi9sll_oFQsq2lhn2fVI7e4ZXDYm59m6GCnXHBfTQJ_vLyZai2THbk7tD6sC-kAqAo6PE_hBsKbMmnXvIyXZibhcVMwuxSqqk4rwM6rTn2baexdx7zELEfcVW2q_uKOtdzR4ya7WA7Us5CPMPvWFB6R3YA36UNhhABS3kLL6_D6G-qGOrP0pdLtpQUwFYnC/w285-h647/Screenshot_20220212-041713.jpg" width="285" /></a></div><br /><br /><br /><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; 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margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1160" data-original-width="710" height="350" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgutR0L2sktSZKq4-UTU3ZN3iKFEwVpodzZWR9Vu3zUUlfi46eVuqJmxOWtmrAc0VTYxQlEwYvXPS7c0VCUIuH7o4Wn1DMdRV12eUy1GptAZP6lGBmtsxqlLFI0DB3x52C6lbC9hB4nLXeIXXZLGaFwaLr0kbcyXKNi3tyM1O13Wo6HxhzkfvqpGwFhH2rc/w214-h350/20220212_070216.jpg" width="214" /></a></div><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><p></p><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: Garamond, serif; font-size: 12pt;"></span>Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-24504951435556559742021-10-30T20:05:00.001-05:002023-09-23T20:06:50.746-05:00Muktamar and the Future of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgG14pCE5V0a9bmX3kXuB14dGWCkiBf-n548YSdNd4xxu4iMr72PxfTQzVLKMmJ0IusiL_mlrDTmvS70lGldtMWNK-o1ryBmxzY2uMATlDDkF6_EMMG93Kl-HA_cIXzuiAuiMElhLThAsN_HO8qWArbEqDvZDpJP7mif37VhTOeuVvBtEUfAesd7Q7BSVpr/s2512/Screenshot%202023-09-24%20at%2008.05.00.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2360" data-original-width="2512" height="426" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgG14pCE5V0a9bmX3kXuB14dGWCkiBf-n548YSdNd4xxu4iMr72PxfTQzVLKMmJ0IusiL_mlrDTmvS70lGldtMWNK-o1ryBmxzY2uMATlDDkF6_EMMG93Kl-HA_cIXzuiAuiMElhLThAsN_HO8qWArbEqDvZDpJP7mif37VhTOeuVvBtEUfAesd7Q7BSVpr/w453-h426/Screenshot%202023-09-24%20at%2008.05.00.png" width="453" /></a></div><br /> <a href="https://fulcrum.sg/muktamar-and-the-future-of-nahdlatul-ulama-nu/">https://fulcrum.sg/muktamar-and-the-future-of-nahdlatul-ulama-nu/</a><p></p>Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-33513826036124747522020-10-19T20:08:00.002-05:002023-09-23T20:09:38.677-05:00Nahdlatul Ulama versus Jokowi: The NU Normal?<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgV6myHMvhr0qjihjHn7hmPVpshtwhsiQbLdsHnlvBs3u30ASH1OQIv8zp-NAq4lMBNO498IwDDpFR57RoYyX97hG3tDMn7w4jDzLYCGjLg5WbTiJ_3He7p0TvgJoZPXZUtniLMN9ILDeoKizq-8O_0oRnV0HaW6sxnD2QhMbZM67gZE4AK8AIUlZpJlcks/s2354/Screenshot%202023-09-24%20at%2008.07.46.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2354" data-original-width="2064" height="444" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgV6myHMvhr0qjihjHn7hmPVpshtwhsiQbLdsHnlvBs3u30ASH1OQIv8zp-NAq4lMBNO498IwDDpFR57RoYyX97hG3tDMn7w4jDzLYCGjLg5WbTiJ_3He7p0TvgJoZPXZUtniLMN9ILDeoKizq-8O_0oRnV0HaW6sxnD2QhMbZM67gZE4AK8AIUlZpJlcks/w390-h444/Screenshot%202023-09-24%20at%2008.07.46.png" width="390" /></a></div><i>ISEAS Commentary</i>, 19 Oct 2020. <a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/media/commentaries/nahdlatul-ulama-versus-jokowi-the-nu-normal/">https://www.iseas.edu.sg/media/commentaries/nahdlatul-ulama-versus-jokowi-the-nu-normal/</a><p></p>Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-80572039470697915132020-02-09T00:03:00.001-06:002020-02-09T00:03:10.174-06:00Simposium Islam Nusantara<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Simposium Islam Nusantara, Fakultas Islam Nusantara UNUSIA Jakarta,<br />
Kantor PBNU, Jl. Kramat Raya, Sabtu, 08 Februari 2020<br />
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-13729690575858366042019-11-21T06:40:00.002-06:002019-11-21T06:40:43.630-06:00Melawan Wahabisme: Antara Islam Nusantara & Islam Maroko<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<i>Oleh Ahmad Najib Burhani</i><div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RPskKKjEYWI/XdaEMXNWuzI/AAAAAAAARz8/bcgmidW3dBchZRcyDZwJ7XA7iNDkAclEACLcBGAsYHQ/s1600/WhatsApp-Image-2019-11-12-at-12.14.44-696x696.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="696" data-original-width="696" height="400" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-RPskKKjEYWI/XdaEMXNWuzI/AAAAAAAARz8/bcgmidW3dBchZRcyDZwJ7XA7iNDkAclEACLcBGAsYHQ/s400/WhatsApp-Image-2019-11-12-at-12.14.44-696x696.jpeg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; orphans: 2; text-align: left; widows: 2;">Ilustrasi. Sumber: IBTimes/Galih Qoobid Mulqi</span></td></tr>
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Apakah respon terhadap Wahabisme hanya terjadi di Indonesia? Seperti apa kira-kira respon dari negara-negara yang berdekatan dengan Saudi Arabia terhadap ideologi ini? Satu perlawanan terhadap <strong style="box-sizing: border-box;"><a href="https://ibtimes.id/wahhabisme-dan-muhammadiyah-mengurai-titik-temu-dan-titik-beda/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #dd3333; text-decoration: none;">Wahabisme </a></strong>yang mirip dengan Indonesia, terutama dengan gagasan “Islam Nusantara”-nya, dan karena itu menarik dikaji secara khusus, terjadi di <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Morocco" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #dd3333; text-decoration: none;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Maroko</strong></a>.</div>
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Nama resmi negara ini adalah <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">al-mamlakah al-maghribiyyah</em> atau Kerajaan Barat. Negara ini mulai menggerakkan perlawanan resmi terhadap Wahabisme ketika terjadi serial bom bunuh diri di Casablanca pada Mei 2003 yang menewaskan 45 orang, termasuk 12 pelaku bom bunuh diri. Ini merupakan peristiwa penyerangan dan bom bunuh diri paling tragis di negara itu.</div>
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Inilah yang membuat Maroko bergerak serius memberantas radikalisme dan akar-akarnya. Secara ringkas, Maroko menerapkan tiga strategi dalam menghadapi radikalisme dan Wahabisme, yaitu: Operasi keamanan untuk menghancurkan sel-sel teror; pembangunan ekonomi untuk mengangkat masyarakat yang rentan terpapar radikalisme; dan penyebaran Islam moderat dan melawan distorsi pemahaman agama.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; orphans: 2; text-align: left; widows: 2;">Gambar 1. Peta Maroko dan Keluarga Raja di Boelevard de la Corniche, Anfa, Maroko</span></td></tr>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Islam Nusantara</strong></h2>
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Sebelum membahas tentang Islam Maroko, terlebih dahulu kita perlu ringkaskan tentang “Islam Nusantara”. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) secara resmi mengadopsi istilah ini ketika mereka mengangkatnya menjadi slogan gerakan dan menjadikannya sebagai tema Muktamar ke-33 di Jombang tahun 2015, yaitu “Meneguhkan Islam Nusantara untuk Peradaban Indonesia dan Dunia”. Meski telah dipakai sejak 2015, karena kisruh dalam pemilihan pimpinan, Muktamar Jombang juga gagal melahirkan definisi terhadap konsep ini. Tokoh dan aktivis NU lantas memberikan definisi yang berbeda-beda.</div>
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Dalam tulisannya di <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Kompas </em>(29/8/2015), KH Ma’ruf Amin, misalnya, mendefinisikan Islam Nusantara sebagai: “Cara dan sekaligus identitas Aswaja yang dipahami dan dipraktikkan para mu’assis (pendiri) dan ulama NU. Islam Nusantara adalah cara proaktif warga NU dalam mengidentifikasi kekhususan-kekhususan yang ada pada diri mereka guna mengiktibarkan karakteristik-karakteristik ke-NU-an”.</div>
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Beberapa tokoh NU, seperti Said Aqil Siradj dan Ahmad Mustofa Bisri, sering membandingkan karakter Islam Nusantara itu dengan Islam Arab. Bahwa Islam Nusantara itu adalah Islam yang ramah, toleran, <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">smiling, </em>menjaga tradisi dan khazanah leluhur, tidak suka kekerasan, dan menghargai perempuan. Sementara Islam Arab kerap digambarkan memiliki karakter yang sebaliknya.</div>
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Definisi resmi dari istilah “Islam Nusantara” ini baru muncul tahun 2019. Sebagaimana yang disepakati di Komisi Bahtsul Masail Maudluiyyah dalam Musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama Nahdatul Ulama dan Konbes NU di Pondok Pesantren Miftahul Huda Al-Azhar, Citangkolo, Kota Banjar, Jawa Barat, Kamis, 27 Februari 2019, makna Islam Nusantara adalah: “Islam <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">ahli sunah waljamaah</em> yang diamalkan, didakwahkan, dan dikembangkan sesuai karakteristik masyarakat dan budaya di Nusantara oleh para pendakwahnya”.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; orphans: 2; text-align: left; widows: 2;">Gambar 2. Perlawanan terhadap Arabisasi yang makna utamanya adalah Wahabisasi</span></td></tr>
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Dari beberapa definisi dan karakter di atas, pada intinya yang dimaksud dengan Islam Nusantara adalah Islam yang telah lama dipeluk dan dilaksanakan di bumi Nusantara, dengan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">tasamuh </em>(toleransi) sebagai karakter yang ditonjolkan. Sementara yang dimaksud dengan Islam Arab yang sering diungkapkan para tokoh NU itu terutama mengacu kepada Wahabisme dari Saudi Arabia, sebagaimana sejarah pendirian NU merupakan bentuk perlawanan terhadap ideologi ini.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Keunikan Islam Maroko</strong></h2>
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Ketika terlibat dalam studi banding ke Maroko pada Oktober 2019, penulis melihat beberapa paralel atau kesamaan antara Indonesia dan Maroko dalam menghadapi Wahabisme. Jika di Islam Nusantara dianggap sebagai bentuk Islam yang khas, unik, dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">distinctive </em>atau berbeda dari Islam di negara lain, maka Maroko juga menganggap keislaman di negara itu unik, khas, dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">distinctive</em>.</div>
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Keunikan Islam Maroko itu dibangun di atas tiga pilar atau biasa disebut sebagai <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Moroccan triptych</em>, yaitu: Mengikuti mazhab Maliki dalam fikih, mengikuti Ash’ary secara teologi (<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">kalam</em>), dan memegang kuat tradisi tasawuf atau yang biasa disebut <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Maraboutism</em>.</div>
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Seperti ditulis oleh Cédric Baylocq dan Aziz Hlaoua (2017), identitas keagamaan Maroko yang tiga itu mendapat tekanan kuat dalam pidato kerajaan pada 30 Juli 2003, paska bom bunuh diri. Juga dalam sambutan Menteri Agama, Ahmad Taoufiq, pada saat membuka Mohammed VI Institute, sebagai wadah penggodokan Islam Wasatiyya bagi para khatib, imam, ustadz / ustadzah, <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">murshid / mursyidat</em>,pada 27 Maret 2015.</div>
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Tiga karakter keagamaan itu merupakan fondasi dari apa yang mereka sebut sebagai <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Islam Wasatiyya </em>atau yang biasa disebut juga dengan istilah Islam moderat.</div>
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Islam Wasatiyya yang dibangun berdasar <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Moroccan triptych </em>itu, seperti disebut dalam sambutan Raja, membuat umat Islam Maroko “balanced, open, and tolerant” (adil, terbuka, dan toleran). Dengan menganut mazhab Maliki, umat Islam Maroko menjadi memiliki karakter yang fleksibel.</div>
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Mazhab Maliki adalah satu dari empat mazhab fikih dalam Islam Sunni yang memiliki keterikatan dengan tradisi atau adat di Madinah, menekankan argumentasi, kepentingan umat Islam, dan peduli terhadap koherensi moral.</div>
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Raja juga menekankan tentang pentingnya mengacu kepada <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">maqasid shariah </em>dalam menentukan hukum. Konsep ini berasal dari al-Syatibi, seorang ahli hukum dan teologi dari Andalusia abad ke-14, yang menekankan tentang pentingnya memegang “major ethical aims of Islam” (kemaslahatan umat) daripada sekadar menerapkan hukum Islam. Dalam teori ini, jika penerapan hukum Islam itu berbahaya bagi kemaslahatan umat, maka ia tidak perlu dijalankan.</div>
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Selanjutnya, Raja dan Menteri Agama Maroko mengajak waspada terhadap ideologi Islam yang asing yang masuk ke Maroko. Itulah diantaranya lawan dari Islam Maroko. Di Indonesia, yang sering disebut sebagai lawan Islam Nusantara adalah ISIS, Salafi-Wahabi, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI).</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Islam Maroko vs Wahabisme</strong></h2>
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Di Maroko, meski banyak persinggungan, lawan dari Islam Wasatiyya adalah <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Daesh, Aqmi, Ansar ed-Din, Mujao, </em>Salafi radikal, dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Hanbali-Wahhabism</em>. <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Daesh </em>tentu saja adalah nama lain dari ISIS dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Hanbali-Wahhabism </em>adalah hampir sama dengan apa yang bisa disebut Salafi-Wahhabisme. Salah satu bentuk berkembangnya <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Hanbali-Wahhabism</em> di Maroko adalah penggunaan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">niqab </em>(cadar) oleh sebagian masyarakat.</div>
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Seperti yang terjadi di Indonesia, umat Islam Maroko juga menghadapi “<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">takfiri jihadists</em>” atau mereka yang suka mengkafirkan orang lain dan sedikit-sedikit bicara dan mengajak jihad. Selain itu, mereka juga menghadapi kelompok yang disebut dengan “<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">reductionist literalists</em>” atau mereka yang terlalu literal dalam memahami agama dan cenderung mereduksi ajaran-ajaran Islam. Kelompok ini sering anti terhadap tasawuf yang menjadi tradisi mendalam di Maroko.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #444444; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; font-style: italic; orphans: 2; text-align: left; widows: 2;">Gambar 3. Mausoleum Muhammad V, Rabat, Maroko</span></td></tr>
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Ketika Raja dan Menteri Agama Maroko menyebut bahwa “Islam Maroko”, ada sejumlah penentangan sebagaimana ketika “Islam Nusantara” diperkenalkan di Indonesia. Salah satunya datang dari ulama di Maroko, Sheikh Abdesalam Lazaar. Ketika bertemu dengan Direktur dari Mohammed VI Institute pada 1 April 2015, ia menolak gagasan “Islam Maroko”. Ia mengatakan bahwa <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">“Islam wahid</em>” atau Islam itu hanya satu.</div>
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Diantara tujuan pendirian Mohammed VI Institute adalah melawan kelompok “<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">takfiri jihadist</em>”, “<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">reductionist literalist</em>”, penentang tasawuf, penentang gagasan “Islam Maroko”, dan terutama masuk dan berkembangnya “Hanbali-Wahhabism” di Maroko, dari Tangier sampai Lagouira (gambaran luas dari negeri ini, mirip dengan istilah “dari Sabang sampai Merauke”).</div>
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Pendirian sekolah ini menjadi pelengkap dari dua strategi lain yang dilakukan pemerintah dalam menghadapi radikalisme, yaitu menghancurkan sel-sel terorisme dan mengangkat ekonomi umat. Diantara negara-negara di Timur Tengah, Maroko adalah yang paling berhasil dalam mencegah radikalisme dan terorisme.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Indonesia dan Maroko</strong></h2>
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Sebagai penutup dan pelengkap tulisan ini, saya akan membuat gambaran perbandingan antara Maroko dan Indonesia berdasarkan catatan Clifford Geertz (seorang akadamisi ternama di dunia) dalam bukunya <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia</em> (1968) dan beberapa tambahan keterangan berdasarkan observasi penulis di lapangan.</div>
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Membandingkan Islam di Indonesia dan Maroko itu merupakan perbandingan antara dua negara Islam yang berada di paling timur dan paling barat dari dunia Islam. Secara ritual, satu menghadap ke Barat dan satunya lagi menghadap ke Timur ketika melakukan sholat.</div>
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Selain mazhab fikih yang berbeda, arsitektur bangunan kedua negara itu juga berbeda. Selain masjid-masjid tradisional yang menggunakan atap tumpang, seperti Masjid Kudus, banyak masjid di Indonesia mengikuti gaya arsitektur Turki, terutama dengan kubahnya. Secara arsitektur, masjid-masjid di Maroko tidak mengikuti Turki. Mereka membangun masjidnya mengikut karakter daratan Iberia dengan bangunan kotak-kotak, mirip dengan Alhambra di Granada, Spanyol.</div>
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Seperti Indonesia, mayoritas penduduk Maroko adalah Islam. Bahkan, jika Islam di Indonesia hanya 88 persen, jumlah umat Islam Maroko adalah 99 persen. Dalam kaitannya dengan sejarah, membandingkan Indonesia dengan Maroko itu, ditulis Clifford Geertz (1968), seperti membandingkan dua tokoh legendaris dari dua negara tersebut; <strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Sunan Kalijaga vs. Sidi Lahsen Lyusi.</strong></div>
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Kalijaga memiliki peran sangat penting dalam mengislamkan Jawa dan Indonesia. Ia merupakan salah satu dari Walisongo dan merupakan satu-satunya yang berasal dari bumi Indonesia. Kalijaga merupakan simbol dari Islam Nusantara. Sidi Lahsen Lyusi memiliki nama asli Abu ‘Ali al-Hasan ben Mas’ud al-Yusi. Lyusi adalah seorang Sharif (keturunan Nabi Muhammad) yang berperan penting dalam sejarah Islam di Maroko.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Geneva, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; orphans: 2; widows: 2;">Gambar 4. Masjid Hasan II di Casablanca, Maroko</span></td></tr>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #111111; font-family: Roboto, sans-serif; font-size: 27px;">Santri dan Taleb</strong></div>
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Dua istilah yang memiliki kesejajaran antara Indonesia dan Maroko dalam kaitannya dengan keislaman, yaitu <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">santri </em>dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">taleb.</em> Ketika Geertz melakukan penelitian tahun 1950-an dan 1960-an, kelompok yang disebut santri itu sebetulnya “<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">a minority creed</em>” (h. 66), meski mayoritas masyarakat Indonesia adalah Islam. Praktek-praktek keagamaan yang berlaku di masyarakat, pada dasarnya, masih mengikuti “Indic tradition”. Tesis ini kemudian dibantah oleh Mark Woodward dalam <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Islam in Java: normative piety and mysticism in the Sultanate of Yogyakarta </em>(1989) dan Marshal Hodgson dalam <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">The Venture of Islam </em>(1974).</div>
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Kondisi keislaman di Indonesia pada masa Geertz dan sekarang memang berbeda. Kelompok santri saat ini jauh lebih banyak daripada tahun 1960-an. Proses <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">santrinisasi </em>ini terutama terjadi melalui berbagai <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">pesantren </em>dan sekolah Islam, termasuk IAIN dan UIN, serta melalui ritual haji.</div>
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Varian santri pun tidak hanya terdiri dari dua kelompok <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">kolot</em> (traditionalist) and <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">moderen</em> (modernist), tapi telah muncul berbagai varian baru. Seperti <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">neo-modernist</em> dengan Cak Nur sebagai salah satu tokohnya, neo-revivalist dengan kelompok PKS dan Tarbiyah berada di barisan depan, santri radikal, dan juga santri liberal. Bahkan, belakangan muncul satu varian baru yang disebut sebagai santri post-Islamism yang diantaranya berisi kelompok Hijrah.</div>
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Tak terlalu berbeda dari dunia santri di Indonesia, dinamika santri atau <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">taleb </em>di Maroko juga terjadi dalam perdebatan antara <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">scripturalism </em>dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">maraboutism</em>.</div>
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Bedanya dari Indonesia, <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">taleb </em>di Maroko tidak mengganggu bangunan sufisme atau maraboutisme yang telah berlangsung lama di sana. Kecuali kelompok baru yang di bagian awal tulisan ini disebut dengan Hanbali-Wahhabism. Kelompok ini mengganggu keseimbangan keagamaan di masyarakat dan karena itu mendapat penentangan dari negara dan masyarakat.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">***</strong></h2>
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Dalam perjalanan sejarahnya, banyak tokoh dari Maroko yang digandrungi di Indonesia. Tokoh lama yang sangat terkenal tentu saja adalah Ibn Battuta <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">the explorer </em>dan Maulana Malik Ibrahim, salah satu walisongo. Tokoh baru diantaranya adalah Mohammed ‘Abed al-Jabiri, Mohammed Arkoun, dan Abdallah Laroui.</div>
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Selain menjadi rujukan dari para aktivis di NU dan <a href="http://muhammadiyah.or.id/" style="background-color: transparent; box-sizing: border-box; color: #dd3333; text-decoration: none;"><strong style="box-sizing: border-box;">Muhammadiyah</strong></a>, al-Jabiri menjadi referensi terkait pembagian nalar pemikiran Islam menjadi <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">bayani, burhani, </em>dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box;">irfani</em>.</div>
<i>IBTimes.id</i>, 12 Nov 2019<br />
<a href="https://ibtimes.id/melawan-wahabisme-antara-islam-nusantara-islam-maroko/">https://ibtimes.id/melawan-wahabisme-antara-islam-nusantara-islam-maroko/</a></div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-80761455541713157022019-09-14T08:21:00.001-05:002019-09-14T08:21:26.649-05:00Pelajaran dari Madura dalam Pemilu 2019: NU dan Konservatisme<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Burhani, Ahmad Najib. 2019. “<a href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/images/pdf/ISEAS_Perspective_2019_72.pdf?fbclid=IwAR2_DDUjsoQcy04jTYhOjuLKDsx00VxqSZbmvE1Amz8pjwMkpy4sbjPyaWs">Lessons from Madura: NU, Conservatism, and the 2019 Presidential Election,</a>” <i>ISEAS Perspective</i> No. 72, 10 September. </div>
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1. NU itu tak monolitik. Meski Madura hampir 100% NU, tapi mereka tak mendukung Jokowi.<br />2. Madura juga contoh dimana moderatisme & radikalisme bersatu. NU-FPI bisa berkolaborasi & bekerjasama dibawah panji NU.<br />3. Islam Nusantara jg mendapat resistensi dr dalam NU scr kuat di Madura. Veneration kpd Islam Arab & habaib, termasuk HRS, cukup tinggi.<span class="text_exposed_show" style="display: inline; font-family: inherit;"><br />4. Di tengah citra NU sbg pelindung minoritas, Madura menampilkan NU wajah lain [a.l. diskriminatif thd Syiah].<br />5. Bangkalan contoh patron-client lokal dlm demokrasi kita. "Magical swing" terjadi, dr 18% Jokowi (2014) ke 57% (2019). </span></div>
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Link artikel: https://www.iseas.edu.sg/images/pdf/ISEAS_Perspective_2019_72.pdf?</div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-229315654167184042019-05-26T10:07:00.002-05:002019-05-26T22:10:23.364-05:00Ma’ruf factor and Indonesia’s democracy<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<br />
Zain Maulana<br />
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Leeds, The UK / Fri, May 24 2019 / 01:26 am<br />
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<br />
Recently, The Jakarta Post published a crucial and timely debate on the Ma’ruf Amin factor in April’s presidential election and its potential effect on Indonesian democracy.<br />
<br />
While Ahmad Najib Burhani (May 9) argued that Ma’ruf, a Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) top figure, had failed to boost Jokowi’s electability and potentially degraded Indonesia’s democracy, Azis Anwar Fachrudin (May 18) emphasized the role of Ma’ruf and the NU factor in increasing Jokowi’s share of the vote in East and Central Java.<br />
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Furthermore, Azis implied that there was no need to worry about Jokowi’s alliance with the NU, because Indonesia was a Pancasila state, rather than a liberal democratic state, and indeed the alliance was better, when we consider the Indonesian political reality, than Prabowo Subianto’s Islamist-backed coalition.<br />
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Emphasizing the “shield” perspective, Azis argued that Ma’ruf’s VP candidacy shouldn’t necessarily be regarded as a move to reap votes but rather as a defensive maneuver that successfully saved Jokowi from losing a huge number of votes, especially in West Java. Ma’ruf’s nomination was also defined as the key factor behind a significant rise in electoral support in East and Central Java, as well as in Yogyakarta and among non-Muslim voters.<br />
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Indeed, measuring the Ma’ruf effect against the reelection of Jokowi is difficult, as it requires clear and complex indicators. We need to distinguish between the increase in votes for Jokowi in Central Java as a result of the Ma’ruf factor and as a result of the political consolidation of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), since this province is the party’s traditional stronghold.<br />
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Compared with the 2014 election, the map of support for Jokowi has not changed much in Central Java and Yogyakarta this time around. Data from the General Elections Commission (KPU) show that, in 2014, Jokowi-Kalla won in those two provinces with 66.65 percent and 55.81 percent respectively. In 2019, Jokowi-Amin won in both provinces, following nearly the same pattern as the 2014 election.<br />
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This suggests that Jokowi still enjoys huge support from voters in those regions, despite the change in VP candidate. The same pattern of votes could also be seen in Jakarta; there was no significant difference between the number of votes cast in the 2014 and 2019 elections.<br />
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The claim that the Ma’ruf factor accounted for the massive increase in votes for Jokowi from non-Muslim voters is also debatable. The fundamental reason to doubt this claim is that, when he was the chairman of the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI), he played a prominent role in the arrest of Christian, Chinese-Indonesian former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) on blasphemy charges. Non-Muslims’ support for Jokowi can be best explained as a rational choice by voters rather than as a result of the Ma’ruf factor.<br />
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Therefore, placing emphasis on the “shield” perspective when examining the Ma’ruf factor implicitly recognizes its minimal role and effect in the presidential election. The claim that there was a Ma’ruf factor is an expression of the defensiveness and low expectations of the NU and Jokowi’s supporters with regard to Ma’ruf’s VP candidacy, especially after Jokowi’s failure to retain Mahfud MD as his first choice of running mate.<br />
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With this in mind, Najib’s argument on the failure of the Ma’ruf factor can be clearly understood.<br />
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Regarding Azis’ second point in his response to Najib’s argument, he does not deny Jokowi’s tendency to favor the NU by emphasizing the close ties between the government and the country’s largest Muslim organization, including the appointment of several NU-linked ministers in Jokowi’s Cabinet and the provision of aid to NU educational institutions.<br />
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Despite Azis expressing his concern regarding improvements to Indonesia’s democracy, he does not regard the close alliance between Jokowi and the NU as requiring a balance.<br />
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Rather, he argues that the alliance is necessary to protect the government from Islamist attacks. At this point, Pancasila democracy doesn’t endorse the practice of favoritism.<br />
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Azis puts his argument in the context of the dilemmatic political situation: Jokowi’s alliance with the NU vis-a-vis Prabowo’s alliance with the Islamist groups. Within the context of a presidential candidacy, this political reality must be taken into account when deciding which of the two candidates to support.<br />
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However, continued use of this narrative would be problematic in the postelection context. Now that Jokowi has officially won the election, no more should we ask: Had Prabowo won, would his presidency have employed authoritarian policies? Instead, we should consider how we can respond to Jokowi’s presidency if it takes a turn toward authoritarianism.<br />
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Simply explaining Jokowi’s close ties with the NU as being the lesser of two evils would be to slip into acceptance and tolerance of favoritism and authoritarianism.<br />
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_________<br />
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The writer is a PhD researcher at the University of Leeds.<br />
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https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/05/24/ma-ruf-factor-and-indonesia-s-democracy.html<br />
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Faktor Ma’ruf dan Demokrasi Indonesia<br />
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The Jakarta Post, Friday, May 24 2019<br />
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Zain Maulana<br />
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Belum lama ini, The Jakarta Post memuat tulisan yang memperdebatkan tentang ‘faktor Ma’ruf Amin’ dalam pemilu presiden april kemarin dan kemungkinan efeknya terhadap demokrasi Indonesia. Ahmad Najib Burhani (May 9) berpendapat bahwa pencalonan Ma’ruf Amin sebagai wakil presiden gagal meningkat elektabilitas Jokowi dan sekaligus berpotensi menggangu demokrasi Indonesia. Sementara itu, Azis Anwar Fachrudin (May 18) menekankan bahwa Ma’ruf Amin dan NU sangat berperan dalam meningkatkan suara Jokowi di wilayah Jawa Timur dan Jawa Tengah. Lebih jauh, Azis berpendapat bahwa tidak ada yang perlu dikhawatirkan mengenai aliansi yang sangat dekat antara pemerintahan Jokowi dan NU karena Indonesia adalah negara demokrasi Pancasila, bukan negara demokrasi liberal. Dia juga menekankan bahwa aliansi Jokowi-NU lebih baik dari yang lainnya terutama dibandingkan dengan kedekatan Prabowo dengan kekuatan sejumlah kelompok Islam.<br />
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Dengan menekankan pada cara pandang ‘tameng’ (shield perspective), Azis berpendapat bahwa pencalonan Ma’ruf Amin sebagai wakil presiden seharusnya tidak serta merta dilihat sebagai ‘vote-getter’, tetapi lebih sebagai tameng atau pelindung yang diklaim berhasil memperkecil kehilangan suara untuk Jokowi terutama di wilayah Jawa Barat. Pencalonan Ma’ruf juga dianggap sebagai faktor kunci atas meningkatnya dukungan terhadap Jokowi di Jawa Timur dan Jawa Tengah, termasuk Yogyakarta dan pemilih non-muslim.<br />
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Pada dasarnya cukup sulit untuk mengukur efek dari pencalonan Ma’ruf Amin atas terpilihnya kembali Jokowi sebab membutuhkan indikator yang jelas dan kompleks. Kita perlu membedakan antara meningkatnya suara Jokowi di Jawa Tengah karena faktor Ma’ruf Amin dan faktor yang disebabkan oleh konsolidasi politik PDIP, mengingat Jawa Tengah adalah basis tradisional partai tersebut. Dibandingkan dengan pemilu 2014, peta dukungan terhadap Jokowi di Jawa Tengah dan Yogyakarta tidak banyak berubah. Data dari KPU menunjukkan bahwa pada pemilu 2014, pasangan Jokowi-Kalla berhasil menang sekitar 66.65 persen di Jawa Tengah dan 55.81 persen di Yogyakarta. Pada pemilu 2019, pasangan Jokowi-Amin menang di kedua propinsi tersebut dengan angka yang tidak banyak berubah sebagaimana pada pemilu 2014. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa meskipun Jokowi berpasangan dengan calon wakil presiden yang berbeda, ia masih mendapatkan dukungan yang besar di wilayah tersebut. Peta dukungan yang sama juga terjadi di Jakarta, dimana tidak ada perbedaan signifikan dukungan terhadap Jokowi pada pemilu 2014 dan 2019.<br />
Klaim yang menyatakan bahwa pencalonan Ma’ruf Amin berdampak pada meningkatnya dukungan elektoral terhadap Jokowi dari kelompok non-muslim juga sangat bisa diperdebatkan. Alasan mendasar untuk meragukan klaim tersebut adalah ketika Ma’ruf Amin menjabat sebagai Ketua MUI, ia memainkan peran yang sangat penting dan krusial dalam penahanan mantan gubernur Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) pada kasus penistaan agama. Terkait dengan hal tersebut, dukungan kelompok non-muslim kepada Jokowi lebih tepat diartikan sebagai sebuah pilihan rasional daripada diklaim sebagai faktor dari pencalonan Ma’ruf Amin.<br />
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Oleh karena itu, penekanan pada cara pandang ‘tameng’ (shield perspective) dalam melihat dan menganalisa faktor Ma’ruf Amin pada pemilu kemarin secara tidak langsung mengakui peran minimal seorang Ma’ruf Amin dan efeknya terhadap pemilihan presiden. Klaim yang menyatakan bahwa faktor Ma’ruf Amin sangat besar pada pemilu kemarin adalah bentuk ekspresi pertahanan diri dan ekspektasi yang rendah dari NU maupun para pendukung Jokowi terhadap Ma’ruf Amin, terutama setelah Jokowi gagal mempertahankan Mahfud MD sebagai pilihan utama dalam pencalonan wakil presiden. Dengan mempertimbangkan hal tersebut, pada poin inilah kita bisa memahami dengan jelas argumen Ahmad Najib Burhani tentang kegagalan Ma’ruf Amin dalam meningkatkan dukungan elektabilitas Jokowi.<br />
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Berkenaan dengan poin ke dua dari Azis Anwar dalam merespon argumen Najib Burhani, pada dasarnya Azis tidak menafikan kecenderungan ‘politik pilih kasih’ Jokowi terhadap NU. Ia menyebutkan bahwa kedekatan Jokowi dengan NU, sebagai salah satu organisasi Islam besar di Indonesia, dapat dilihat dari sejumlah menteri yang memiliki latar belakang dan atau terkait langsung dengan NU pada kabinet pemerintahan Jokowi maupun pemberian bantuan oleh pemerintah kepada lembaga-lembaga pendidikan NU.<br />
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Meskipun Azis memberikan perhatiannya terhadap perkembangan demokrasi di Indonesia, ia tidak melihat kedekatan atau aliansi politik antara Jokowi dan NU sebagai sesuatu yang perlu dikhawatirkan dan memerlukan penyeimbang, sebab Indoneasia menganut demokrasi pancasila bukan demokrasi liberal.Sebaliknya, Azis berargumen bahwa aliansi tersebut justru sangat diperlukan untuk melindungi pemerintah dari serangan kelompok-kelompok Islam. Tentu saja hal tersebut mengkhawatirkan bagi perkembangan demokrasi Indonesia. Perlu ditegaskan disini bahwa demokrasi pancasila tidak mendorong praktik-praktik politik pilih kasih (favoritism).<br />
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Azis cenderung menempatkan argumennya pada konteks situasi politik yang dilematis, yaitu antara aliansi Jokowi dengan NU vis-a-vis aliansi Prabowo dengan sejumlah kelompok Islam. Pada konteks masa pencalonan presiden-wakil presiden, realitas politik ini penting untuk diperhatikan terutama sebagai pertimbangan untuk menentukan pilihan dari dua calon yang sedang berkontestasi. Akan tetapi, narasi tersebut tidak lagi relevan untuk terus-menerus digunakan dan diwacanakan pada konteks pasca pemilu. Setelah Jokowi dinyatakan menang oleh KPU, seharusnya tidak ada lagi pertanyaan: jika Prabowo menang, apakah kepemimpinannya tidak akan otoriter? Sebaliknya, kita harus fokus pada pertanyaan, bagaimana kita merespon kepemimpinan Jokowi jika pemerintahannya mengarah pada otoritarianisme?<br />
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Oleh karena itu, menyederhanakan kedekatan dan aliansi politik Jokowi dengan NU (pada konteks pasca pemilu) sebagai pilihan terbaik dari yang terburuk sangat rentan untuk jatuh pada sikap menerima dan memaklumi politik pilih kasih dan otoritarianisme.<br />
<br />
Zain Maulana<br />
Mahasiswa PhD di University of Leeds, UK. </div>
Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-32939889336173097062019-05-18T00:09:00.001-05:002019-05-18T00:10:26.117-05:00Ma’ruf and NU factor<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/p/163"><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Azis Anwar Fachrudin</span></a><br />
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<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Holds an MA degree from the Center for Religious and Cross-Cultural Studies (CRCS) of Gadjah Mada University</span><br />
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Yogyakarta /
<span class="day">Sat, May 18, 2019</span>
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President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo (far left) delivers a speech during the
national meeting (munas) of the Nahdlatul Ulama clerics at Miftahul Huda
Al-Azhar Islamic boarding school in Citangkolo, Banjar, West Java on
Feb. 27 (Antara/Adeng Bustomi)</span></span><br />
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Ahmad Najib Burhani’s piece in <em>The Jakarta Post</em> (May 9) on the <a href="https://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2019/05/09/maruf-factor-in-jokowis-reelection-success.html" target="_blank">Ma’ruf Amin factor in Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s reelection</a>
made two points worth reexamining: that Ma’ruf failed “to boost
Jokowi’s electability in Muslim majority regions”, and that Jokowi’s
tight alliance with a particular religious group, in this case Nahdlatul
Ulama (NU), is prone to slipping into “practicing favoritism or even
authoritarianism”. The former demands critical reviewing, while the
latter needs caveats.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br />
As for concern about authoritarianism, reference to the government’s
disbandment of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia means that Jokowi’s alliance with
the NU is indeed not good news from a liberal democracy standpoint
(perhaps with the exception of Germany, which has also banned the local
chapter of Hizbut Tahrir). Prominent NU intellectuals have said that
Indonesia’s democracy isn’t a liberal democracy, but rather a Pancasila
democracy.</span><br />
<br />
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<div class="col-md-10 col-xs-12 detailNews">
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Najib’s first point was in response to claims that Ma’ruf was
appointed as Jokowi’s vice-presidential candidate to shield the
incumbent against sectarian attacks and to mobilize support from NU
members. Najib’s refutation of these claims were a bit surprising, given
that he himself, in his past commentary on the same issue (published on
the website of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies), was one of
the few analysts who argued that Ma’ruf’s main role was that of a shield
rather than a vote-getter. His past view was actually more accurate
than his latest.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Indeed, Ma’ruf in Banten couldn’t replicate the Jusuf Kalla factor in
South Sulawesi where Jokowi won in 2014. The current VP also failed to
boost Jokowi’s electability in West Java. Yet in light of the “shield”
perspective of reading the election results, the question shouldn’t be
why Jokowi didn’t gain more votes, but rather why Jokowi didn’t lose a
significant amount of votes he had five years ago in West Java and other
vote bases of his rival Prabowo Subianto (which Najib referred to
regarding the predominantly NU island of Madura, East Java).</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">More importantly, as national electoral mapping shows, Jokowi
obtained a massive increase of more than 10 percent in both East and
Central Java, including Yogyakarta. Note that East and Central Java make
up nearly a third of the total voters. Jokowi’s vote gain in these
regions, plus another massive increase from non-Muslim voters,
compensated his defeat in South Sulawesi and his bigger loss in
Prabowo’s vote bases in Sumatra.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">At the national level, electoral support for Jokowi from NU members
actually increased. Indikator Politik’s exit polls in 2014 and 2019 show
that, while NU voters were relatively evenly distributed between the
two candidates five years ago, most NU members voted for Jokowi this
year, with a margin of 12 percent. This is a massive increase, and the
Ma’ruf factor should be strongly suspected to have come into play.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">During the campaign period, the rhetoric that NU members should vote
for Jokowi because his running mate was a former NU supreme leader was
frequently uttered by NU leaders both on the central board and in the
NU’s vast network of <em>pesantren</em> (Islamic boarding schools). At the grassroots level, as I encountered during my fieldwork at large <em>pesantren</em> in East and Central Java, that rhetoric was prominent. Key NU national and <em>pesantren</em> leaders
who had supported Prabowo in 2014 shifted to Jokowi in 2019, with
Ma’ruf’s VP candidacy being one of the main reasons. The real count
results on the General Elections Commission website, up to the local
level, show that the shift did come into effect (as I wrote in my latest
piece on the New Mandala website).</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">So, while more Muslims voted for Prabowo, with a tiny margin (as they
did in 2014), the Ma’ruf factor did massively boost Jokowi’s
electability among NU voters and — again in light of the “shield”
perspective — arguably prevented Jokowi from losing more among Muslim
voters.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">As for Najib’s second point, the President was already close to the
NU in 2014, although five years ago the NU was far less united behind
Jokowi than it is today. His VP candidate then, Kalla, was to become a
member of NU’s advisory council, while Prabowo’s then-running mate,
Hatta Rajasa, was from the National Mandate Party (PAN), a
Muhammadiyah-linked party.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">For his first Cabinet, Jokowi appointed six ministers with an NU
background (four were from the NU-based National Awakening Party/PKB),
the largest number of NU affiliates in the Cabinet since the Reform Era.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">In addition, Jokowi also fulfilled his campaign promise to the NU community in 2015 when he declared Oct. 22 “National Santri [<em>pesantren</em> students] Day”.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Jokowi’s attempt to tighten relations with the NU in 2019, therefore,
shouldn’t come as a surprise, be it ideological or transactional: The
NU has been the most potential Muslim organization to be his close ally
to save him from Islamist attacks, especially as some senior
Muhammadiyah figures were inclined to his challenger or had even become
harsh critics of the government.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Jokowi arranged cooperation with NU’s bases at the rural grassroots,
such as through the Agriculture Ministry, as he did with Muhammadiyah,
including with the Environment and Forestry Ministry. Jokowi is indeed
channeling aids to NU’s educational institutions. But it was only within
the last two years that the Jokowi administration began giving special
funds to <em>pesantren</em>, while other non-state finance institutions
have received them long before. Without more detailed data, the latest
case can still be interpreted between Jokowi’s favoritism of NU or
rather affirmative policies to <em>pesantren.</em></span><br />
<em><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></em>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Najib’s concern is indeed valid, legitimate criticism, and I share
his aspiration to improve Indonesia’s democracy. However, none of the
two camps contesting the presidency really cares about liberal
democracy. It barely featured during election campaigns.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">And we are confronted with imperfect choices: between the NU-backed
Jokowi and the Islamist-backed Prabowo. Which one is more potentially
supportive of democratic norms? Had Prabowo won, would his presidency
not employ authoritarian policies or even be worse than the status quo?</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">Those questions have to be taken into account if we are willing to be
more realistic about Indonesia’s political state of affairs, which has
always been a contested arena of patronage, where the state can’t avoid
choosing religious groups to accommodate. Najib’s criticism should
therefore not only be a concern for the incumbent, but also for the
challenger and the religious groups backing him.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">***</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<em><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;">The writer is an Indonesia correspondent fellow at New Mandala
and a researcher at the Center for Religious and Crosscultural Studies
at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta.</span></em><br />
<em><span style="font-family: "arial" , "helvetica" , sans-serif;"><br /></span></em>
<span style="font-family: '"arial"', '"helvetica"', sans-serif;">https://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2019/05/18/maruf-and-nu-factor.html</span><br />
<em><br /></em></div>
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</div>
</div>
Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-91540474465481769882019-05-08T17:55:00.001-05:002019-05-26T22:11:53.055-05:00Ma’ruf factor in Jokowi’s reelection success<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Ahmad Najib Burhani<br />
<br />
Jakarta / Thu, May 9 2019 / 01:42 am<br />
<br />
<br />
While the official results of the presidential election will be announced only on May 22, quick counts from some pollsters indicate that Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and his running mate Ma’ruf Amin will win the race. Considering his incumbency and the grand coalition behind him, ranging from big political parties to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country’s largest Muslim organization, Jokowi’s 55 percent of the vote, just 2 percent more than he won in 2014, constitute a failure.<br />
<br />
The question now is how significant the role of Ma’ruf was in Jokowi’s seeming reelection and how far identity politics undermined his electability.<br />
<br />
Some have defended Ma’ruf, saying that had Jokowi not picked him as his running mate, he would have lost the race. They say Ma’ruf has shielded Jokowi from various attacks relating to identity politics, such as accusations that he belonged to an abangan (nominal Muslim) group and was anti-Islam. They also highlight Ma’ruf’s capability to mobilize NU leaders and members to fight it out for Jokowi.<br />
<br />
Those claims, however, contradict the results of an exit poll conducted by Indikator Politik Indonesia on April 17, which found that only about 56 percent of NU members voted for Jokowi-Ma’ruf, while the remaining 44 percent voted for their challengers, Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno.<br />
<br />
Ma’ruf was reportedly responsible for taming Banten and West Java, the strongholds of Prabowo where Jokowi lost in the 2014 race. A quick count conducted by Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting on April 17 discovered that Jokowi-Ma’ruf were defeated by Prabowo-Sandiaga in the two provinces. In Banten, where Ma’ruf hails from, Prabowo-Sandi won about 63 percent of the vote, while in West Java they collected 60 percent of the vote<br />
<br />
In East Java, although Jokowi-Ma’ruf won a total of 66 percent of the vote, they lost in Madura, an island where almost 100 percent of the population are loyal to NU. From four regencies in Madura, Jokowi-Ma’ruf only managed to win in Bangkalan with 57 percent of the vote. In the other three regencies, i.e. Pamekasan, Sampang and Sumenep, Prabowo-Sandiaga reigned supreme with 82, 69 and 60 percent of the vote respectively. Some have speculated that the Madura people were disappointed with Jokowi’s last-minute replacement of Mahfud MD, a Madura native, as his running mate.<br />
<br />
Hasanuddin Ali, a researcher of Alvara Institute, says identity politics matters in this year’s presidential election, at the expense of Jokowi. His study found that the greater the percentage of the Muslim population, the fewer people who voted for Jokowi. On the contrary, the smaller the percentage of Muslim population, the more people voted for Jokowi.<br />
<br />
The quick count by Charta Politika proved the phenomenon true. The pollster discovered that Prabowo-Sandiaga won big in Aceh and West Sumatra, where Muslims account for 98 percent of the population. The results, however, could not offset their defeat in Central Java and the predominantly-Hindu province of Bali.<br />
<br />
Although the appointment of Ma’ruf as VP candidate seems unable to boost Jokowi’s electability in Muslim majority regions, key NU leaders remain solid behind him. The unity and solidity of NU leaders behind Jokowi-Ma’ruf, as reported recently by the Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC), is partly ideological, but mostly transactional.<br />
<br />
As declared during its annual congress and conference in the West Java town of Banjar on Feb. 27, the reason behind the NU leaders’ all-out support for Jokowi and efforts to protect him from the politics of identity is partly their wish to become an important part of the government. Using a term commonly quoted in NU circles, including by NU chairman Said Aqil Siradj, they want to become ashabul qoror (decision makers). It is not enough just to win the government’s favor; the NU leaders want to become part of the power.<br />
<br />
There is no such free lunch in this case and NU leaders will demand fulfillment of their wishes after the election. Even before the election, NU member and chairman of the National Awakening Party (PKB), Muhaimin Iskandar, had suggested that Jokowi allocate more seats for NU in the new Cabinet should he get reelected.<br />
<br />
For Jokowi, aligning himself so closely with NU carries a risk, namely alienating other Muslim organizations or making them second favorite. The question is how far can Jokowi satisfy the leaders of NU without jeopardizing his relationship with other Muslim groups.<br />
<br />
After failing to avoid the trap of what IPAC calls a “vicious cycle of heavily sectarian competition” during the recent election, now Jokowi has to struggle to escape from another challenge in the form of NU aspiration to influence government affairs.<br />
<br />
If not handled with care, strong involvement of certain religious authority in managing the state could lead Jokowi’s government to practicing favoritism or even authoritarianism, in which dissent is countered with the labels of intolerant, anti-Pancasila, radical or even extremist and terrorist.<br />
<br />
________<br />
<br />
The writer is a senior researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). https://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2019/05/09/ma-ruf-factor-jokowi-s-reelection-success.html<br />
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---------------<br />
<br />
The Jakarta Post, 9 Mei 2019<br />
<br />
Faktor Ma’ruf dalam keberhasilan pemilu kedua Jokowi <br />
<br />
Ahmad Najib Burhani<br />
<br />
Sementara hasil resmi pemilihan presiden akan diumumkan hanya pada 22 Mei, penghitungan cepat dari beberapa lembaga survei menunjukkan bahwa Joko “Jokowi” Widodo dan pasangannya, Ma'ruf Amin akan memenangkan pertarungan. Mengingat posisinya sebagai pihak penguasa dan koalisi besar di belakangnya, mulai dari partai-partai politik besar hingga Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), organisasi Muslim besar di negara ini, 55 persen suara Jokowi, hanya 2 persen lebih banyak daripada yang dimenangkannya pada 2014, merupakan kegagalan.<br />
<br />
Pertanyaannya sekarang adalah seberapa penting peran Ma'ruf dalam terpilihnya kembali Jokowi dan seberapa jauh politik identitas menggerus keterpilihannya.<br />
<br />
Beberapa membela Ma'ruf, dengan mengatakan bahwa jika Jokowi tidak memilihnya sebagai pasangannya, ia akan kalah dalam pemilihan ini. Mereka mengatakan Ma'ruf telah melindungi Jokowi dari berbagai serangan yang berkaitan dengan politik identitas, seperti tuduhan bahwa ia termasuk dalam kelompok abangan (Muslim nominal) dan anti-Islam. Mereka juga menyoroti kemampuan Ma'ruf untuk memobilisasi para pemimpin dan anggota NU untuk memperjuangkan Jokowi.<br />
<br />
Klaim itu, bagaimanapun, bertentangan dengan hasil jajak pendapat yang dilakukan oleh Indikator Politik Indonesia pada 17 April, yang menemukan bahwa hanya sekitar 56 persen anggota NU memilih Jokowi-Ma'ruf, sementara 44 persen sisanya memilih penantang mereka, Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno.<br />
<br />
Ma'ruf dilaporkan bertanggung jawab untuk menjinakkan Banten dan Jawa Barat, benteng Prabowo tempat Jokowi kalah dalam pemilu 2014. Penghitungan cepat yang dilakukan oleh Saiful Mujani Research and Consulting pada 17 April menemukan bahwa Jokowi-Ma'ruf dikalahkan oleh Prabowo-Sandiaga di dua provinsi ini. Di Banten, tempat Ma'ruf berasal, Prabowo-Sandi memenangkan sekitar 63 persen suara, sementara di Jawa Barat mereka mengumpulkan 60 persen suara.<br />
<br />
Di Jawa Timur, meskipun Jokowi-Ma'ruf memenangkan total 66 persen suara, mereka kalah di Madura, sebuah pulau di mana hampir 100 persen penduduknya setia kepada NU. Dari empat kabupaten di Madura, Jokowi-Ma'ruf hanya berhasil menang di Bangkalan dengan 57 persen suara. Di tiga kabupaten lainnya, yaitu Pamekasan, Sampang dan Sumenep, Prabowo-Sandiaga memimpin tertinggi dengan masing-masing 82, 69 dan 60 persen suara. Beberapa berspekulasi bahwa orang-orang Madura kecewa dengan penggantian Mahfud M, seorang asli Madura, sebagai pasangan Jokow, pada menit terakhir.<br />
<br />
Hasanuddin Ali, seorang peneliti dari Alvara Institute, mengatakan politik identitas penting dalam pemilihan presiden tahun ini, dengan mengorbankan Jokowi. Studinya menemukan bahwa semakin besar persentase populasi Muslim, semakin sedikit orang yang memilih Jokowi. Sebaliknya, semakin kecil persentase populasi Muslim, semakin banyak orang yang memilih Jokowi.<br />
<br />
Penghitungan cepat oleh Charta Politika membuktikan fenomena itu benar. Survei menemukan bahwa Prabowo-Sandiaga menang besar di Aceh dan Sumatra Barat, di mana umat Islam merupakan 98 persen dari populasi. Hasilnya, bagaimanapun, tidak dapat mengimbangi kekalahan mereka di Jawa Tengah dan provinsi Bali yang mayoritas Hindu.<br />
<br />
Meskipun penunjukkan Ma'ruf sebagai kandidat wakil presiden tampaknya tidak dapat meningkatkan keterpilihan Jokowi di wilayah mayoritas Muslim, para pemimpin kunci NU tetap solid di belakangnya. Persatuan dan soliditas para pemimpin NU di belakang Jokowi-Ma'ruf, seperti yang baru-baru ini dilaporkan oleh Institute for Policy Analysis of Conflict (IPAC), sebagian bersifat ideologis, tetapi sebagian besar bersifat transaksional.<br />
<br />
Sebagaimana dinyatakan dalam kongres dan konferensi tahunannya di kota Banjar di Jawa Barat pada 27 Februari, alasan di balik dukungan habis-habisan para pemimpin NU untuk Jokowi dan upaya untuk melindunginya dari politik identitas adalah sebagian dari keinginan mereka untuk menjadi bagian penting dari pemerintah. Menggunakan istilah yang biasa dikutip di kalangan NU, termasuk oleh ketua NU Said Aqil Siradj, mereka ingin menjadi ashabul qoror (pembuat keputusan). Tidak cukup hanya dengan mendapatkan bantuan pemerintah; para pemimpin NU ingin menjadi bagian dari kekuasaan.<br />
<br />
Tidak ada makan siang gratis dalam kasus ini dan para pemimpin NU akan menuntut pemenuhan keinginan mereka setelah pemilu. Bahkan sebelum pemilu, anggota NU dan ketua Partai Kebangkitan Nasional (PKB), Muhaimin Iskandar, telah meminta agar Jokowi mengalokasikan lebih banyak kursi untuk NU di kabinet baru jika dia terpilih kembali.<br />
<br />
Bagi Jokowi, menyelaraskan dirinya sangat erat dengan NU membawa risiko, yaitu mengasingkan organisasi Muslim lainnya atau menjadikannya favorit kedua. Pertanyaannya adalah seberapa jauh Jokowi dapat memuaskan para pemimpin NU tanpa membahayakan hubungannya dengan kelompok-kelompok Muslim lainnya.<br />
<br />
Setelah gagal menghindari perangkap dari apa yang IPAC sebut sebagai "lingkaran setan persaingan sangat sektarian" selama pemilu baru-baru ini, sekarang Jokowi harus berjuang untuk menghindari diri dari tantangan lain dalam bentuk aspirasi NU untuk mempengaruhi urusan pemerintahan.<br />
<br />
Jika tidak ditangani dengan hati-hati, keterlibatan kuat otoritas keagamaan tertentu dalam mengelola negara dapat menyebabkan pemerintah Jokowi mempraktikkan favoritisme atau bahkan otoritarianisme, di mana perbedaan pendapat dilawan dengan label-label tidak toleran, anti-Pancasila, radikal atau bahkan ekstremis dan teroris.<br />
<br />
__<br />
<br />
Penulis adalah peneliti senior di Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (LIPI).</div>
Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-13278931977053313532019-05-03T13:49:00.001-05:002019-05-03T14:02:21.496-05:00Teropong NU Pascapilpres<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-position: 0px 0px; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; display: block; font-size: 13px; line-height: 15px; margin: 0px 10px 0px 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: top;">Penulis: <b style="background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: top;">Hatim Gazali Dosen Universitas Sampoerna, Jakarta</b></span><span class="meta" style="background-position: 0px 0px; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; color: #6b6b6b; display: block; font-size: 13px; line-height: 15px; margin: 0px 10px 0px 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: top;">Pada: Sabtu, 04 Mei 2019, 01:20 WIB </span></div>
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TULISAN Ahmad Najib Burhani, Rekonsiliasi Nasional Pascapemilu (29/3) di harian ini menarik untuk didiskusikan lebih lanjut. Bukan saja memberikan catatan penting ihwal rekonsiliasi pascapemilu, persoalan spiritualisasi dan komodifikasi agama, Ahmad juga menyuarakan nada ketakutan akan otoritarianisme agama yang diperankan Nahdlatul Ulama akibat persekongkolan Jokowi dengan KH Ma'ruf Amin yang notabenenya ialah mantan Rais 'Aam Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU).</div>
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Najib kemudian memberikan argumentasi historis dengan membaca kolaborasi politik dan agama di Arab Saudi, antara Ibn Saud dan Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab. Benar bahwa kolaborasi pemerintah Arab Saudi dengan salah satu ideologi Islam yang diwakili Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab melahirkan puritanisme yang tidak ketulungan.</div>
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Persekongkolan inilah yang menjadi salah satu faktor didirikannya NU yang dikomandani KH Hasyim Asy'ari setelah mengirim KH Abdul Wahab ke Arab Saudi sebagai utusan untuk menolak ide-ide wahabisme yang diembuskan pemerintah Arab Saudi saat itu. Meminjam kerangka teori Ernest Gellner, NU berdiri untuk membela praktis Islam yang cenderung dekat dengan local Islam.</div>
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Memang, perkawinan negara dengan salah satu ideologi menjadikan negara tersebut berpotensi bersikap otoriter terhadap ideologi-ideologi lain. Dalam sejarah, perkawinan agama dan negara sering kali diwarnai dengan ketegangan, kontroversi, dan pasang surut. Sesekali agama menjadi subordinat negara seperti yang terjadi pada agama Kristen di era Konstantinus Agung, dan pada saat yang lain, negara menjadi subordinat agama sehingga restu agama menjadi kunci untuk menjadi kepala pemerintahan (raja).</div>
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Dalam konteks ini, saya setuju dengan gagasan implisit Najib Burhani, bahwa tidak boleh ada perkawinan satu agama atau aliran keagamaan dengan negara. Negara harus berada di atas dan menaungi seluruh agama dan aliran keagamaan.</div>
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<strong style="background-position: 0px 0px; background-repeat: initial initial; border: 0px; box-sizing: border-box; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: top;">Tiga argumen</strong><br />
Namun demikian, sebagai peneliti LIPI yang kerap menghadiri acara-acara NU seperti muktamar dan musyawarah nasional, Ahmad Najib Burhani tak perlu menyimpan kekhawatiran yang berlebihan. Dengan mencermati sejarah NU dari masa ke masa, serta tradisi dan ideologi yang dipegang teguh NU, tentu kekhawatiran berlebihan ihwal potensi terjadinya otoritarianisme agama dapat dengan mudah ditepis.</div>
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Sekurang-kurangnya, ada tiga argumen mendasar. Pertama, argumen kesejarahan. Sepanjang republik ini berdiri, NU sebagai organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia bahkan di dunia, tak pernah berorientasi untuk mewujudkan Indonesia menjadi negara agama, apalagi negara NU.</div>
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Memang, pada era penjajahan Belanda, NU melalui Mukmatar ke-11 1936, memutuskan bahwa Indoensia ialah negara Islam (Darul Islam). Namun, pemaknaan negara Islam yang disodorkan NU bukanlah negara teokrasi ataupun formalisasi ajaran islam ke dalam negara, melainkan untuk memberikan argumen bahwa melawan penjajah ialah jihad dan wajib bagi seluruh umat Islam sebagai bentuk mempertahankan negara Islam. Karena itulah, KH Ahmad Siddiq (1926-1991) memberikan definisi Darul Islam dengan wilayatul Islam (wilayah Islam).</div>
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Karena pemaknaan Darul Islam seperti itulah, NU secara tegas menolak gagasan dan gerakan SM Kartosoewirjo yang hendak mendirikan Darul Islam (DI). Ulama NU memberikan keputusan fiqh kepada Kartosuwiryo sebagai pelaku bughat (pemberontakan kepada negara yang sah) akibat pemikiran dan gerakannya itu.</div>
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Di saat KH Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) yang notabene mantan Ketua Umum PBNU (1984-1999) menjadi presiden RI, juga tak menjadikan Islam ataupun NU sebagai ideologi negara. Gus Dur memiliki pendirian yang sangat tegas perihal wawasan kebangsaan, pluralisme, dan demokrasi.</div>
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Secara politik, bahkan Gus Dur menyusun komposisi kabinet Persatuan Nasional tidak monolitik, tetapi mengakomodasi beragam aliran keagamaan yang ada. Kedua, argumen teologis.</div>
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Sikap NU terhadap negara dan Pancasila sudah dianggap selesai. Musyawarah Alim Ulama Nasional NU 1983 di Situbondo, Jatim, memutuskan untuk menerima Pancasila sebagai asas dan memulihkan kembali posisi NU sebagai organisasi keagamaan sesuai dengan khitah (semangat) 1926. Negara bukanlah kepanjangan tangan suatu agama atau aliran keagamaan, ia harus mengayomi seluruh warga negara secara adil.<br />
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KH Sahal Mahfudz (alm), Rais 'Aam PBNU periode 1999-2014 pernah menggagas sikap politik NU yang disebutnya politik tingkat tinggi (siyasah 'aliyah samiyah), berupa politik kebangsaan, politik kerakyatan, dan etika politik.</div>
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Menurut Kiai Sahal, politik kekuasaan yang disebutnya politik tingkat rendah (siayasah safilah) ialah porsi parpol bagi warga negara, termasuk warga NU secara perseorangan, sedangkan NU sebagai lembaga atau organisasi, harus steril dari politik semacam itu. Sikap ini tetap dijunjung tinggi organisasi NU. Ini terbukti ketika HM Jusuf Kalla yang notabene pengurus mustasyar PBNU menjadi wakil presiden baik pada pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono maupun Joko Widodo, tak menjadikan NU sebagai anak emas.</div>
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Begitu pula sebaliknya, NU tak lantas membebek kepada pemerintah atau negara. Yang terjadi justru NU menjadi kekuatan besar untuk mengontrol jalannya pemerintahan agar tetap berjalan sesuai dengan prinsip yang diyakini NU, tasharruful imam ‘ala al-ra’iyyah manuthun bi al-mashlahah, bahwa pemimpin harus berorientasi kepada kemaslahatan umum.</div>
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Ketiga, argumen sosiologis. Sikap politik warga NU secara sosiologis tak pernah tunggal. Ketika KH Hasyim Muzadi ataupun KH Salahuddin Wahid menjadi calon wakil presiden Megawati dan Wiranto pada Pemilu 2004, tak serta-merta warga NU berduyung-duyung menjatuhkan pilihan kepadanya. Padahal, dengan jemaah yang dimilikinya, NU dapat memenangkan perebutan kekuasaan tertinggi di negeri ini.</div>
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Sedari awal, jemaah NU memiliki kemandirian dan kedewasaan politik yang baik. Ketika NU menjadi parpol pada 1954 juga tak menjadikan NU menjadi partai pemenang karena bagi warga NU, pilihan politik itu bersifat otonom.</div>
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Betul bahwa NU memiliki saham politik yang cukup besar bagi perolehan suara Joko Widodo-KH Ma'ruf Amin. Namun, beranggapan bahwa dengan saham tersebut akan terjadi otoritarianisme agama yang dilakonkan NU sebagaimana kekhawatiran Najib Burhani, bagi hemat penulis cukup berlebihan. Sebagaimana yang sudah lazim terjadi dalam sejarah, NU akan tetap menjadi kekuatan yang mendukung pemerintahan pada satu sisi dan memberi keseimbangan pada sisi lain.</div>
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Sebagai wujud untuk memberi keseimbangan dan stabilitas kepada negara, sudah saatnya NU mengambil peran 'pemadam kebakaran' yang terjadi karena pesta demokrasi kemarin. Hoaks, fitnah, dan ujaran kebencian yang terjadi kepada tiap-tiap capres-cawapres perlu segera dipadamkan. Dengan kekuatan kiai, ustaz, dai, pesantren, guru ngaji yang dimiliki, NU memiliki peran yang sangat besar untuk mendinginkan suasana.</div>
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Tentu saja, NU perlu perlu menggandeng kekuatan-kekuatan organisasi masyarakat lainnya baik di internal Islam maupun di luar Islam untuk menghadirkan rasa damai dan persatuan di kalangan masyarakat. Peran ini tak muluk-muluk, bukan saja karena faktor besarnya warga NU, melainkan juga sudah menjadi tradisi dan kelaziman NU untuk senantiasa mendahulukan persatuan Indonesia dan kemashalatan umum. Semoga.</div>
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https://mediaindonesia.com/read/detail/233326-teropong-nu-pascapilpres<br />
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-75277462869484852482019-04-30T20:03:00.000-05:002019-05-20T20:05:02.791-05:00Rekonsiliasi Nasional Pascapemilu<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Penulis: Ahmad Najib Burhani Peneliti Senior Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia<br />Pada: Senin, 29 Apr 2019, 09:25 WIB KOLOM PAKAR</div>
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DALAM naskah yang diajukan ke ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Hafiz Al Azad (2018) membuat judul yang sangat provokatif untuk menggambarkan media sosial dan dunia maya lainnya, yaitu cyber jahiliyyah. Istilah itu mengacu kepada berbagai bentuk sektarianisme (algorithmic enclaves) dan karut-marut dunia maya yang seakan belum menerima pencerahan dengan kehadiran seorang nabi.</div>
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Masyarakat jahiliah Arab pra-Islam sering digambarkan sebagai masyarakat penyembah berhala, membunuh anak-anak, memperbudak dan memperdagangkan manusia, dan juga menjadikan perempuan sekadar sebagai properti. Dunia maya saat ini juga digambarkan sebagai tempat yang uncivilized atau belum memiliki peradaban dan menunggu kehadiran 'nabi' atau 'filsuf' yang bisa memberi pedoman moral.</div>
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Ketakberadaban dunia siber itu semakin terasa dalam suasana politik ketika masyarakat mengalami polarisasi yang keras. Sikap ‘ashabiyyah' atau sektarianisme itu muncul dalam kecenderungan untuk hanya memiliki kawan dan informasi sepihak. Kita kadang bahkan memutus perkawanan, meng-unfriend, dengan mereka yang berseberangan pandangan. Dunia digital menjadi digital fortresses (benteng) yang membentengi kita dari informasi berbeda.</div>
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Sedihnya, alih-alih menjadi 'sang pencerah', selama pemilu kemarin agama justru menjadi kompor bagi panasnya suasana politik, terutama di dunia maya. Politik identitas dengan menggunakan agama menjadi warna yang kental dalam kontestasi pemilihan presiden dan membelah masyarakat menjadi dua kubu yang terus berhadapan dan saling menghujat. Inilah yang disebut dengan politisasi agama, yaitu menjadikan agama semata-mata sebagai tunggangan untuk meraih ambisi politik.</div>
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Amin Abdullah menggambarkan ini dengan menyebut agama sebagai alat untuk antem-anteman. Alih-alih saling menasihati, para dai dan penceramah sibuk saling melempar hoaks, fitnah, dan kebencian. Kubu yang satu menuduh kelompok lain tak bisa wudu dan salat, sementara kubu lainnya membalas dengan menyebut lawannya sebagai anti-Islam.</div>
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Spiritualisasi dan komodifikasi</div>
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Politisisasi agama sebetulnya hanya salah satu dari tiga kecenderungan keagamaan yang menggejala saat ini. Abdul Mu’ti, Sekretaris Umum Pimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, misalnya, melihat dua model keberagamaan lain yang saat ini menggejala di masyarakat, yaitu spiritualisasi dan komodifikasi.</div>
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Maksud spiritualisasi di sini mengacu ke kecenderungan pada orientasi ritual dan spiritual, serta lupa bahwa misi utama dari perintah keagamaan itu ialah pengejawantahannya dalam urusan dunia dan kemanusiaan. Pada pengajian di kantor Muhammadiyah Menteng beberapa waktu lalu, Haedar Nashir, misalnya, mencontohkan tentang fenomena masyarakat yang memiliki semangat beribadah yang begitu luar biasa. Bahkan beberapa pimpinan daerah, menurutnya, mewajibkan untuk salat berjemaah. Meski demikian, dalam kehidupan sosial mereka ini tidak mencerahkan.</div>
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Sealur dengan kritik terhadap spiritualisasi di atas, Hajriyanto Thohari (2015) juga melihat bahwa keberagamaan kita itu cenderung inward-looking yang membuat masyarakat kita, meski majemuk, tapi segmented (terbelah) dan segregated (terkotak-kotak). Dengan mengutip ungkapan yang cukup terkenal, Hajriyanto menyebutkan bahwa mestinya menjadi religious itu menjadi interreligious (to be religious today is to be interreligious). “Bahwa tanpa memahami iman tetangga, orang atau komunitas beragama yang hidup dalam masyarakat yang majemuk bahkan tidak dapat memahami dirinya sendiri,” katanya. Namun, pada kenyataannya tidak demikian, kita semakin anti terhadap perbedaan.</div>
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Selain kecenderungan negatif terkait spiritualisasi, komodifikasi agama juga menjadi sesuatu yang trendy saat ini. Istilah sederhananya, agama menjadi 'ladang bisnis'. Ini bisa dilihat dengan maraknya tour and travel yang menawarkan umrah dan haji atau ziarah ke tempat-tempat suci, penjualan berbagai jenis jilbab dan fashion show muslim, semaraknya labelisasi halal dan sertifikasi syariah, digandrunginya film dan musik-musik religi, serta berkembangnya klaster perumahan dan pekuburan berdasarkan agama tertentu. Tentu ini tak sepenuhnya negatif, tapi sering kali karena ghirah (semangat) beragama yang tinggi di masyarakat, ada perusahaan yang memanfaatkannya dengan menipu dan menelantarkan para jemaah umrah.</div>
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Otoritarianisme Agama</div>
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Ada beberapa tantangan seusai pemilu yang mesti dihadapi. Tantangan pertama tentu saja ialah melakukan rekonsiliasi nasional terhadap berbagai elemen bangsa yang selama pemilu terpolarisasi, saling menafikan dan bermusuhan. Sebelum polarisasi sosial ini semakin melebar dan sulit diatasi atau bahkan dimanipulasi kembali untuk Pemilu 2024, Jokowi perlu bertindak cepat. Tantangan lainnya ialah menyelesaikan persoalan yang terkait dengan spiritualisasi dan komodifikasi agama.</div>
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Selain ketiga tantangan tersebut, masih ada tantangan baru yang bisa saja muncul, yaitu ancaman otoritarianisme agama. Meskipun pada 1984 NU menyatakan dirinya kembali ke khitah (misi dasar sebagai gerakan sosial keagamaan), kemenangan Jokowi-Ma'ruf Amin akan menjadikan NU kembali menjadi bagian integral pemerintah. Menggunakan istilah yang sering dipakai di lingkungan NU, mereka bisa kembali menjadi ashab al-qoror atau pembuat keputusan.</div>
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Kolaborasi antara Jokowi dan NU mengingatkan kita pada kolaborasi politik dan agama di Arab Saudi, antara Ibn Saud dan Muhammad bin Abdul Wahhab (pendiri Wahhabisme). Meski NU memiliki orientasi keagamaan yang berlawanan langsung dengan Wahhabisme, peran mereka dalam memenangkan Jokowi dapat memicu mereka untuk meminta bagian yang banyak dalam pemerintahan baru. Jika kolaborasi antara kekuasaan agama dan politik terjadi, akan sulit untuk mengkritik kebijakan pemerintah. Jika tak hati-hati, ini bisa memunculkan apa yang disebut dengan otoritarianisme agama. Bahayanya ialah bahwa NU bisa menjadi satu-satunya penentu keputusan terkait isu-isu agama dan menjadi pemegang kekuasaan dalam hal ortodoksi dan heterodoksi. Jika ini terjadi, dikotomi 'NU vs Islam lainnya' bisa menjadi lebih besar.</div>
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https://mediaindonesia.com/read/detail/232513-rekonsiliasi-nasional-pascapemilu?</div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-35835057172018662022019-04-23T02:33:00.004-05:002019-04-23T02:34:40.946-05:00Belajar Demokrasi dari Tebuireng<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span class="text-bold" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; outline: 0px;">RINI KUSTIASIH</span></div>
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<time datetime="2019-04-20 06:15:57" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px;"><i>Kompas, </i>20 April 2019 · 06:15 WIB</time></div>
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<time datetime="2019-04-20 06:15:57" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px;"><br /></time></div>
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<time datetime="2019-04-20 06:15:57" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px;"></time><br />
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Dua rumah yang saling berdampingan di depan kompleks Pondok Pesantren Tebuireng, Kecamatan Diwek, Jombang, Jawa Timur, itu, kontras dengan pemasangan bendera dan <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">banner</em> yang ”bertolak belakang”. Satu rumah memasang spanduk ”Pejuang PAS” yang mendukung pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno, dan satu rumah lainnya memasang <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">banner</em> ”Barisan Gus dan Santri Bersatu” yang mendukung pasangan Joko Widodo-Ma’ruf Amin.</div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vsIwNHZSth0/XL6-xE1DKhI/AAAAAAAART0/cfujz48S9jU59gXxgmd4326imVmA3o18QCLcBGAs/s1600/20181220_133515_1545378471.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="583" data-original-width="1200" height="193" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-vsIwNHZSth0/XL6-xE1DKhI/AAAAAAAART0/cfujz48S9jU59gXxgmd4326imVmA3o18QCLcBGAs/s400/20181220_133515_1545378471.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #757575; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: left;">Para pengajar di lingkungan Yayasan Pondok Pesantren Tebuireng, Jombang, jawa Timur, tengah belajar pendekatan baru dalam pendidikan lewat Gerakan Sekolah Menyenangkan, dari hari Kamis (20/12/2018) hingga Sabtu (22/12/2018) di Jombang.</span></td></tr>
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Dua pemilik rumah itu pun masih bersaudara karena mereka adalah saudara sepupu satu sama lain. Keduanya sama-sama cucu dari KH Hasyim Asyari yang merupakan pendiri Nahdlatul Ulama dan juga pengasuh Ponpes Tebuireng yang pertama. Pemandangan yang demikian kontras dengan mudah disimpulkan bahwa kedua pemilik rumah berbeda pandangan politik, atau setidaknya memiliki pilihan politik yang tidak sama.</div>
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Berbeda pandangan politik itu hal biasa di Tebuireng dan NU pada umumnya.</div>
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”Saya dan Gus Irfan (KH Irfan Yusuf) memang berbeda pandangan politik, tetapi itu bukan masalah besar. Berbeda pandangan politik itu hal biasa di Tebuireng dan NU pada umumnya. Meskipun saya berbeda pandangan politik dengan Gus Irfan, tidak menjadi alasan saya memutuskan hubungan persaudaraan dengan beliau. Kemarin saya masih tahlilan dengan keluarga Denanyar bersama beliau,” ungkap KH Agus Zaki Hadzik, atau Gus Zaki, pemilih rumah dengan tulisan Baguss Bersatu, yang mendukung Jokowi-Amin.</div>
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Gus Zaki yang merupakan pengurus Rabithah Ma’ahid Islamiyah (RMI) PWNU Jawa Timur pun merasa pemasangan <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">banner</em> yang saling bertolak belakang di depan rumah mereka adalah bagian dari praktik demokrasi dan perbedaan pendapat yang biasa saja. Santri dan ulama NU tidak terikat harus mendukung salah satu pasangan calon sebab mereka memiliki kebebasan masing-masing untuk menentukan pilihan politik.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #757575; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: left;">Presiden Joko Widodo berziarah di makam KH Abdurrahman Wahid di kompleks Ponpes Tebuireng, Jombang, Selasa (18/12/2018). Turut mendampingi putri KH Abdurrahman Wahid, Zannuba Arifah Chafsoh (kiri).</span></td></tr>
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Dalam khazanah pemikiran NU, berbeda pendapat adalah lumrah dan semua memiliki landasan atau alasan masing-masing.</div>
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”Kalau misalnya santri berbeda pendapat dengan kiai atau ulamanya, saya katakan, dia sebaiknya diam saja. Jangan dibantah atau marah-marah. Karena keberkahan dari seorang guru atau kiai itu tiada duanya. Kalau soal pilihan politik silakan saja, tetapi soal menghormati kiai dan ulama, yakni dengan sikap tawadu, itu harus dilakukan seorang santri,” kata Gus Zaki.</div>
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Dalam khazanah pemikiran NU, berbeda pendapat adalah lumrah dan semua memiliki landasan atau alasan masing-masing.</div>
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Demokrasi dalam kehidupan pesantren, menurut Gus Zaki, seperti ”sego jangan” atau menu makanan sehari-hari. Hubungan santri dan kiai, oleh karena itu, dilandasi ikatan yang lebih kuat daripada pilihan politik. Ikatan kemanusiaan, persaudaraan, dan keilmuan lebih diutamakan daripada perbedaan politik. Perbedaan pilihan itu tidak menyebabkan santri dan ulama putus hubungan atau antarulama menjadi tidak akur. Namun, perbedaan itu bagian dari dinamika intelektualitas pesantren.</div>
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”Makanya, saya heran kenapa, kok, hanya karena berbeda pandangan politik, seorang ayah melarang anaknya menikah dengan orang yang pilihan politiknya tidak sama. Itu, menurut saya, bagian dari fanatisme politik yang melampaui batas-batas persaudaraan, apalagi kemanusiaan,” kata Gus Zaki.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #757575; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: 14px; text-align: left;">Sejumlah tokoh, seperti (berurutan mulai dua dari kiri) mantan Menteri Pendidikan Mohammad Nuh, mantan Ketua DPR Marzuki Ali, Ketua Majelis Ulama Indonesia Ma’ruf Amin (enam dari kiri), dan Pengasuh Pondok Pesantren Tebuireng Jombang Salahuddin Wahid (tidak tampak), hadir dalam pertemuan para kiai di Pondok Pesantren Riyadlul Jannah, Mojokerto, Jawa Timur, Sabtu (21/2/2017). Topik utama yang dibahas dalam pertemuan itu adalah upaya mengembangkan kewirausahaan di lingkungan pondok pesantren.</span></td></tr>
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KH Hasyim Asyari dalam beberapa kitabnya juga menyampaikan tidak bolehnya santri bersikap <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">ta’ashub </em>atau fanatik buta. KH Hasyim sendiri diceritakan pernah berbeda pendapat dengan wakilnya, KH Muhamamd Faqih, di Maskumambang, Gresik. KH Hasyim berpendapat, beduk yang dilapisi kulit sapi adalah benar menurut <em style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">fiqh</em>. Oleh karena itu, sebagai panggilan shalat, penggunaan beduk dibolehkan. Namun, ia tidak sependapat kalau kentongan dibolehkan menjadi alat panggilan shalat. Adapun wakilnya, KH M Faqih, berpandangan, penggunaan selain beduk, yakni kentongan, dibolehkan, sehingga banyak masjid ketika itu yang juga memasang kentongan sebagai alat untuk memanggil shalat sebelum azan dikumandangkan.</div>
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Perbedaan kedua ulama ini jelas, tetapi hal itu tidak mengurangi perhargaan di antara keduanya. Ketika KH Hasyim berkunjung ke pesantren KH Faqih di Maskumambang, demi menghargai KH Hasyim, KH Faqih meminta santrinya untuk menurunkan semua kentongan di masjid-masjid selama KH Hasyim berkunjung. Tindakan KH Faqih ini bukan lagi tentang pendapatnya mengenai boleh tidaknya kentongan di masjid, tetapi lebih bagaimana ia mempraktikkan sikap tawadu atau menghargai Mbah Hasyim.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">Mengajak perdamaian</strong></div>
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Semangat menghargai perbedaan itu kembali ditunjukkan kiai dan santri Tebuireng, Minggu (7/4/2019), ketika pengasuh Ponpes Tebuireng, KH Salahuddin Wahid atau Gus Solah, mengumpulkan sekitar 100 kiai dan ulama NU, baik yang mendukung pasangan nomor urut 01 maupun pasangan nomor urut 02. Halaqoh kebangsaan bertajuk ”Peran Ulama, Habaib, Kiai, dan Cendekiawan dalam Meneguhkan Ikatan Kebangsaan Menuju Indonesia Baldatun Toyyibatun Warobbun Ghofur”, itu ingin meredakan ketegangan antarulama dan umat menjelang Pemilihan Presiden 2019.</div>
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”Mulai dari sekarang, apa pun pilihan kita, maka kita ini 00, artinya baik 01 dan 02 tidak perlu bertentangan lagi. Siapa pun yang terpilih sebagai presiden telah ditakdirkan oleh Tuhan Yang Maha Esa. Karena percaya pada hal itu, maka tidak perlu timbul perpecahan karena nanti yang menentukan adalah rakyat,” katanya.</div>
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Mulai dari sekarang, apa pun pilihan kita, maka kita ini 00, artinya baik 01 dan 0, tidak perlu bertentangan lagi. Siapa pun yang terpilih sebagai presiden telah ditakdirkan oleh Tuhan Yang Maha Esa.</div>
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Pengasuh Pondok Pesantren Tebuireng Salahudidin Wahid</div>
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Solah menyerukan, semua perbedaan politik agar tidak sampai menyebabkan perpecahan. Tokoh Islam banyak berperan dalam persatuan Indonesia. Dalam pembahasan asas negara, misalnya, tokoh-tokoh Islam sepakat untuk menghilangkan tujuh kata dalam Piagam Jakarta. Hal itu didasari atas kesadaran bahwa Indonesia terdiri atas ratusan suku bangsa, dan bahasa, serta kepercayaan yang berbeda-beda.</div>
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Oleh karena itu, menurut Gus Solah, persatuan dan persaudaraan di antara tokoh Islam sendiri ikut menentukan persatuan Indonesia. Apabila tokoh-tokoh Islam bersatu dan bersaudara, apa pun pilihannya, perdamaian akan terwujud.</div>
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KH Lutfi Abdul Hadi yang juga turut dalam pertemuan itu mengatakan, ulama yang bertikai gara-gara perbedaan politik harus bisa membayangkan Indonesia bagai gelas, yang ketika pecah akan sulit disatukan kembali. Perpecahan harus dihindari, apalagi karena perbedaan pilihan politik sebab masih ada hal-hal penting lainnya yang harus dipikirkan oleh kiai dan ulama.</div>
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Salah satu peserta pertemuan, Muhammad Yusuf, dari Pacet, Mojokerto, Jatim, mengatakan, dirinya mendukung pasangan Prabowo-Sandi. Ia adalah ketua relawan Prabowo-Sandi di Jatim. Ia mantap dengan pilihannya, tetapi menghargai pilihan yang berbeda dari rekan-rekannya.</div>
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”Biasa saja kalau terjadi perbedaan politik. Kita tetap berhubungan baik. Silakan saja sesuai dengan pilihan masing-masing dan tidak perlu terpecah hanya gara-gara itu,” ungkapnya.</div>
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<strong style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">Demokrasi pesantren</strong></div>
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Gambaran kiai dan santri NU yang menyikapi perbedaan pilihan politik dengan biasa saja dan tidak menyulut perpecahan itu, menurut Ahmad Najib Burhani, peneliti kajian Islam, adalah salah satu kekuatan NU sebagai suatu jamiyah.</div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span class="article-figcaption-credit" style="box-sizing: border-box; color: #757575; display: block; font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , "times" , serif; font-size: 0.6875rem; margin-bottom: 0.4375rem; outline: 0px; text-align: right; text-transform: uppercase;">KOMPAS/P RADITYA MAHENDRA YASA</span><br />
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Kader Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) menghadiri acara Harlah NU dan Haul Ke-113 Abdul Fatah di Alun-alun Wonosobo, Kabupaten Jawa Tengah, Rabu (27/3/2019). Dalam acara tersebut, Ma’ruf Amin memberikan sambutannya yang merupakan rangkaian dari kunjungan silaturahmi ke sejumlah pondok pesantren di Jawa Tengah.</div>
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Sejak awal NU bukan dibentuk berdasarkan satu garis komando yang lurus antara organisasi struktural dan kiai-kiai yang bergerak di tataran kultural dan pendidikan pesantren. Pemilik dan pengasuh pesantren adalah masing-masing individu kiai sehingga pendapat mereka sangat diperhitungkan, termasuk oleh Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama (PBNU) sebagai pengurus struktural.</div>
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Dengan memahami konteks historis dan karakter jamiyah NU, suara atau pandangan yang keluar dari NU oleh karena itu tidak bisa dipastikan tunggal. Khazanah intelektualitas dan luasnya spektrum NU agaknya tidak cukup diwadahi dengan ketunggalan pilihan.</div>
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Khazanah intelektualitas dan luasnya spektrum NU agaknya tidak cukup diwadahi dengan ketunggalan pilihan.</div>
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Demokrasi di kalangan pesantren sebagai sebuah praktik itu pun agaknya juga dirayakan dengan sukacita. Bahkan, apabila kita merujuk kembali pada KH Abdurrahman Wahid atau Gus Dur, demokrasi bisa menjadi lucu, riang, dan jauh dari kesan tegang, apalagi perang. Humor-humor Gus Dur dan lontaran pendapatnya yang jenaka ketika ditanyai mengenai hal-hal berat, mengenai demokrasi, sedikit banyak menjadi gambaran bagaimana demokrasi itu ditanggapi dengan wajar dan tidak harus disertai pertikaian. ”Begitu saja kok repot…,” demikian kata Gus Dur.</div>
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Dalam menghadapi kontestasi politik yang kini kian kompetitif, pelajaran demokrasi ala santri Tebuireng yang damai, menghargai perbedaan, dan tidak merusak hubungan persaudaraan dan kemanusiaan kiranya patut untuk menjadi bahan refleksi….</div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-46344168728315973362019-04-18T20:12:00.001-05:002019-04-18T20:12:32.414-05:00Looks like Indonesia has rejected divisive identity politics<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Incumbent President Joko Widodo is leading Prabowo
Subianto with a larger margin than in 2014, an affirmation of Indonesians’
support for his moderate agenda, says ISEAS-Yusof Ishak’s Norshahril Saat and
Najib Burhani.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 19px; text-align: left;">Indonesia's President Joko Widodo and his running mate Ma'ruf Amin react after a quick count result during the Indonesian elections in Jakarta, Indonesia April 17, 2019. REUTERS/Edgar Su</span></td></tr>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">SINGAPORE: Going by the quick
count results thus far, Indonesia’s incumbent president Joko Widodo (Jokowi)
and his running mate Ma’ruf Amin look set to win the headline race.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Official results on this
largest-ever, one-day national exercise, involving 192.8 million registered
voters will only be declared in May.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Still, early figures show the
Jokowi-Ma’ruf pairing securing about 7.8 to 10.6 percentage points more than
their challengers, Prabowo Subianto and Sandiaga Uno, according to at least
five pollsters.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">What this means is that Jokowi
may win by a larger margin than in 2014, when he last faced Prabowo and won by
a slimmer 6.3 percentage points. The president looks set to leave this election
with a stronger mandate from the people.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">While many observers on this
election predicted that identity politics will divide Indonesia society, it
seems voters have rejected this notion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Will there be a challenge mounted
to dispute these results? These quick counts are consistent with survey results
conducted before the election. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">However, Prabowo has already
disputed these unofficial results, claiming he has won the race.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">IN JAVA, JOKOWI-MA’RUF DID BETTER
THAN EXPECTED</span></b><span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Like any other Indonesian
presidential elections, winning the hearts and minds of voters in Java, home to
more than half of Indonesia’s 261 million-strong population, is key. This is
where Jokowi and Ma’ruf are surprisingly performing better in many areas
than predicted.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">For example, in Jakarta, Jokowi
and Prabowo are going toe-to-toe in the polls, even though many had expected
Prabowo would easily trounce the incumbent president there.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The capital has seen divisive
identity politics played up by the opposition camp for years. In the 2017
Jakarta gubernatorial election, politicians used the race and religious cards
to discredit and defeat incumbent governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok),
Jokowi’s ally.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-tgooBiqCFcA/XLkfXPT_qoI/AAAAAAAARQI/XbJNue5CYFMmVhwXU4S9n4xks_z6JG_3gCLcBGAs/s1600/muslim-hardline-protesters-cover-their-faces-as-police-fire-tear-gas-during-a-protest-against-jakar---3263902.png.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="377" data-original-width="670" height="225" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-tgooBiqCFcA/XLkfXPT_qoI/AAAAAAAARQI/XbJNue5CYFMmVhwXU4S9n4xks_z6JG_3gCLcBGAs/s400/muslim-hardline-protesters-cover-their-faces-as-police-fire-tear-gas-during-a-protest-against-jakar---3263902.png.jpeg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: 19px; text-align: left;">Muslim hardline protesters cover their faces as police fire tear gas during a protest against Ahok in Jakarta. (Photo: REUTERS)</span></td></tr>
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</o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Jokowi is also winning in areas
he was expected to win, such as in East Java, with 66 per cent of the
vote. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">It looks like Ma’ruf’s presence
in the Jokowi camp may have made the difference, as it helped mobilise Islamic
boarding schools affiliated to the moderate Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) to support the
president, especially in East Java, NU’s stronghold.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Ma’ruf’s entry as Jokowi’s
running mate may not have been popular with Jokowi’s more moderate supporters,
but his position as head of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI), the country’s
top clerical umbrella body may have shored up the top man’s religious
credentials.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">As predicted, Jokowi won with a
very big margin of about 77 per cent in Central Java, his party PDI-P’s
stronghold.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Even Prabowo’s and Sandiaga’s
gains in West Java, the battleground of the election with one of the largest
and most conservative population, where they are winning about 60 per cent
of the votes, could not offset the setbacks suffered.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The results in Java alone may not
determine the results. Prabowo and Sandiaga are expected to do better in
Sumatra, where they are banking on high voter turnout to negate losses. In West
Sumatra, for instance, Prabowo is winning about 85 per cent of the votes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The official results will be
worth watching.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-KaMZPyvkwfQ/XLkgG9wDbFI/AAAAAAAARQk/QZm1gM5ExGcQlPL1AtEOdmoWpqW_CgoqQCLcBGAs/s1600/jokowi-and-prabowo---1831274.png.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="377" data-original-width="670" height="225" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-KaMZPyvkwfQ/XLkgG9wDbFI/AAAAAAAARQk/QZm1gM5ExGcQlPL1AtEOdmoWpqW_CgoqQCLcBGAs/s400/jokowi-and-prabowo---1831274.png.jpeg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;">
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 14.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Joko Widodo (right) and Prabowo Subianto during
the 2014 presidential election campaign. (Photo: AFP/ROMEO GACAD)</span></div>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<b><span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">A REJECTION OF IDENTITY POLITICS</span></b><span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Hardline groups seemed to have
failed in undermining Jokowi’s popularity and electability across most parts of
Indonesia.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Even at the polling station
closest to scholar Habib Rizieq Syihab’s home in Petamburan, Jakarta, which
serves as the headquarters for the Islamist group Islamic Defenders Front
(FPI), a group that led those massive protests against Ahok two years ago,
Jokowi swept almost all votes by winning 225 votes with Prabowo receiving only
5 votes.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Clearly, conservative groups
behind the Prabowo-Sandi team have not been able to replicate their success in
the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">If Jokowi wins, he will have less
to worry about dealing with such elements, a segment that has continuously
sought to discredit him by accusing him of not being religious enough.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p><br /></o:p></span></div>
<table align="center" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" class="tr-caption-container" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto; text-align: center;"><tbody>
<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hPg7NOD8Pv0/XLkfun9UJ-I/AAAAAAAARQU/M8QJHdZ7dZsIin5T3sWJwvHqZ_N0J0JWwCLcBGAs/s1600/indonelex3.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="377" data-original-width="670" height="225" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-hPg7NOD8Pv0/XLkfun9UJ-I/AAAAAAAARQU/M8QJHdZ7dZsIin5T3sWJwvHqZ_N0J0JWwCLcBGAs/s400/indonelex3.jpg" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 19px; text-align: left;">Indonesia's President Joko Widodo (centre) and his running mate Ma'ruf Amin (3rd left) walk during a peace declaration for the upcoming general election campaign at the National Monument in Jakarta on Sep 23, 2018. (Adek BERRY/AFP)</span><span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16pt; text-align: left;"> </span></td></tr>
</tbody></table>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<b><span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">WHEN THE MODERATES WIN</span></b><span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">If these early poll results
hold, what this means is that the country’s narrative on religion and identity
has been seized back by the moderates. NU has been the face of moderate Islam
for a long time and has been a powerful ally to the winning pair.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Jokowi’s and Ma’ruf’s victory may
mean NU becoming an integral part of the government, with the organisation
holding huge political sway. It helps that Ma’ruf is the spiritual guide of the
organisation, apart from being the chairman of the MUI.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The upside is that it will be
hard to criticise the new government on religious grounds, since they have the
NU’s backing.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-autospace: none;">
<br /></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The danger is that NU could
become the single-most most dominant force on religious issues. The question is
whether they will exercise the same religious tolerance towards other forms of
Islam and allow for a plurality of practices and beliefs, with this newfound
unspoken monopoly.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<tr><td style="text-align: center;"><a href="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-pMgoLkM1PGk/XLkgakMDdFI/AAAAAAAARQs/F8Ql2WODSCMehd8xwV8aDrNTCgKVNkcegCLcBGAs/s1600/nahdlatul-ulama---2641422--1-.png" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;"><img border="0" data-original-height="377" data-original-width="670" height="225" src="https://2.bp.blogspot.com/-pMgoLkM1PGk/XLkgakMDdFI/AAAAAAAARQs/F8Ql2WODSCMehd8xwV8aDrNTCgKVNkcegCLcBGAs/s400/nahdlatul-ulama---2641422--1-.png" width="400" /></a></td></tr>
<tr><td class="tr-caption" style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 19px; text-align: left;">It was the Nahdlatul Ulama's tradition that brought me back to reality,” Tsauri shared. (Photo: AFP/Adek Berry) </span></td></tr>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Moderate Indonesians will also be
watching whether Jokowi’s larger win will lead him down the path of strongman
politics and what he will do to protect human rights. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">When the president passed a ban
on radical groups in 2017, many were concerned the move could potentially
muffle civil society groups. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: #3f3f3f; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">UNITY AND GRACE</span></b><span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">The mood for the Jokowi camp may
be jubilant for now. Jokowi and Ma’ruf have a chance to help reconcile
Indonesian society, once polarised into two distinct opposing camps, and try to
heal fresh wounds opened up by a bitterly fought political rivalry during these
elections.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">In his speech after the election,
Jokowi has started to call on Indonesians to reunite. He will no doubt
need the help of Prabowo, who has yet to concede defeat, to show graciousness
and call for national solidarity in any eventual concession speech.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="color: #505050; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Norshahril Saat is Fellow at
ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute and Co-coordinator of the Indonesian Studies
Programme. Najib Burhani is Visiting Fellow at the same institute.</span></i><span style="color: #262626; font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Helvetica; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">Read more at
https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/commentary/indonesia-elections-results-identity-politics-prabowo-jokowi-11457160</span><o:p></o:p></div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-74211312571708417252019-04-18T16:00:00.002-05:002019-04-18T16:00:27.669-05:00Menjaga Persaudaraan Kebangsaan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Bullet 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Number 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Closing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="List Continue 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Message Header"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Salutation"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Date"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Body Text Indent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Block Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Hyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="FollowedHyperlink"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Document Map"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Plain Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="E-mail Signature"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Top of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal (Web)"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Acronym"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Address"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Cite"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Code"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Definition"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Keyboard"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Preformatted"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Sample"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Typewriter"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="HTML Variable"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Normal Table"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="annotation subject"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="No List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Outline List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Simple 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Classic 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Colorful 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Columns 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Grid 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table List 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table 3D effects 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Contemporary"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Elegant"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Professional"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Subtle 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Web 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Balloon Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Table Theme"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 7"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 8"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true"
Name="Note Level 9"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true"
Name="List Paragraph"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Quote"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Emphasis"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true"
Name="Subtle Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true"
Name="Intense Reference"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true"
UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51"
Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52"
Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46"
Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/>
<w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/>
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<i><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Kompas, </span></i><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">16 April 2019<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">AHMAD NAJIB BURHANI <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Dalam sambutan- nya pada Pembukaan
Munas Alim Ulama dan Konbes Nahdlatul Ulama di Kota Banjar (27/2/2019),
Presiden Joko Widodo mengingatkan pentingnya menjaga persaudaraan kebangsaan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Diungkapkan, ”Ukhuwah dan
persaudaraan adalah hal yang sangat penting, baik itu ukhuwah
islamiah[persaudaraan sesama Muslim], ukhuwah wathoniyah [persaudaraan sesama
anak bangsa], ukhuwah insaniyah [persaudaraan kemanusiaan], penting semuanya…
pada kesempatan yang baik ini, saya titip… saya titip… jangan sampai karena
urusan [yang paling bawah] pemilihan bupati, naik lagi, urusan pemilihan
gubernur… kemudian naik lagi urusan pilpres… kita ini tidak merasa sebagai
saudara sebangsa dan setanah air… hati-hati kalau sudah ada rasa seperti itu…
saya mengajak kepada kita semuanya untuk menjaga ukhuwah kita, ukhuwah islamiah
kita, ukhuwah wathoniyah kita”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Logika perang</span></b><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Apa yang disampaikan Presiden itu
sangat relevan dengan kondisi di masyarakat menjelang pemilu yang dilangsungkan
pada 17 April 2019. Narasi perang banyak bertebaran, baik di media sosial
maupun kampanye untuk mendukung calon presiden dan wakil presiden tertentu.
Istilah perang badar, perang total, dan perang ideologi menjadi term yang
terus-menerus mengisi otak dan telinga masyarakat.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Demikian juga <i>politics of fear</i> atau bayangan tentang ancaman akan terjadinya
hal-hal buruk jika kubunya kalah. Kubu A menakut-nakuti akan adanya legalisasi
perkawinan sejenis, pelarangan azan, kriminalisasi ulama, dan ancaman Islam
liberal jika lawannya menang.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Kubu B menyebut akan ada larangan
tahlilan, penggusuran kuburan, dan Talibanisasi Indonesia jika kubu lawan
menang. Pendeknya, masa depan Islam dan negara menjadi taruhan dalam pilpres
kali ini.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Ketika Jokowi memilih Ma’ruf Amin
sebagai calon wakil presidennya 10 Agustus 2018, banyak yang berpikir bahwa
politik identitas tak akan dipakai lagi dalam pemilu ini. Ini dilandasi
pemikiran bahwa Ma’ruf Amin, sebagai Rais AmSyuriah PBNU dan Ketua Umum Majelis
Ulama Indonesia (MUI), bisa menjadi tameng terhadap berbagai serangan dengan
menggunakan politik identitas, terutama agama.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Atau bahkan orang akan enggan dan
berhenti sama sekali dengan politisasi simbol-simbol dan bahasa agama.
Selanjutnya, para politisi akan beralih ke isu lingkungan, hak asasi manusia
(HAM), dan terutama ekonomi. Logika ini terlihat masuk akal, terlebih dengan
dipilihnya Sandiaga Uno sebagai pasangan dari Prabowo Subianto.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Meski demikian, dalam perjalanannya,
penggunaan politik identitas tetap atau semakin kuat. Bahkan, pilpres kali ini
dalam bahasa yang dipakai oleh beberapa orang dari tim pemenangan kedua kubu
sering diistilahkan sebagai jihad dan pertaruhan antara hidup dan mati. Amien
Rais menggunakan istilah ”partai Allah vs partai setan”, ada pula sebutan
”partai penista agama vs partai pendusta agama”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Farhat Abbas mengklaim yang ”pilih
Jokowi masuk surga; yang enggak, masuk neraka”, dan dalam Malam Munajat 212
bulan lalu (21/2), Neno Warisman mengadu kepada Allah bahwa ”tak ada lagi yang
menyembah-Mu [Allah]” jika kubu yang didukungnya kalah.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Bedanya dari Pilkada DKI Jakarta
2017, kali ini tidak digunakan istilah ”Muslim vs kafir”, tetapi lebih sebagai
pertarungan antara yang ”Islami vs lebih Islami”, ”moderat vs radikal”, dan
bahkan ada yang menyebut ”NU vs eks Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI)”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Logika dan term perang dan permusuhan
antara hak dan batil seperti menjadi bagian yang tak terpisahkan dari politik.
Banyak dari para politisi sadar bahwa istilah-istilah itu digunakan semata demi
merebut kekuasaan saja. Sedihnya, kesadaran seperti itu kadang tidak sampai ke
masyarakat luas.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Mereka memakan mentah-mentah jargon-jargon
pertarungan politik itu dan melihatnya sebagai sesuatu yang harus dibela
mati-matian atau sebagai jihad. Banyak dari mereka yang lupa bahwa para
politisi itu, meminjam istilah Aditya Pratama (2019), ”sangat bisa berubah,
terlebih bila menyangkut urusan duniawi. Lidah mereka tiba-tiba bisa saja
bercabang, dan wajahnya atau kulitnya dapat berubah sewaktu-waktu”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Jalan pintas</span></b><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Politik itu ganas, kejam, tetapi
sekaligus sangat menggoda dan menggiurkan. Tidak sedikit politisi, artis, dan
bahkan ulama yang rela menjadi setan asalkan kekuasaan politik bisa tergenggam.
Dalam bahasa Amien Rais dalam Tanwir Muhammadiyah 2017, kekuasaan politik itu
seperti ”jalan tol, jalan supercepat tanpa penghalang” yang bisa mengantarkan
pemegangnya menuju surga jannatun na’im atau menuju neraka jahanam.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Ia bisa menjadi jalan pintas untuk
menjadi kaya dan mendapat akses ekonomi. Ia bisa menjadi sarana untuk membuat
hegemoni, monopoli, dan diskriminasi sebagai sesuatu yang legal. Namun, ia juga
menjadi jalan untuk menegakkan keadilan dan kesejahteraan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Di Indonesia ini, tragisnya, politik
itu sepertinya lebih banyak menjadi jalan menuju neraka. Berdasarkan survei
yang dilakukan SMRC (2017) dan LSI (2018), lembaga politik yang bernama Dewan
Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) dan partai politik merupakan institusi yang paling
rendah mendapat kepercayaan dari publik.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Lantas kenapa kita banyak terbawa
oleh logika-logika perang mereka dan begitu mengikuti apa yang mereka katakan
dalam pemilu kali ini?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Semoga kita bisa tetap menjaga
persaudaraan dalam tahun politik ini. Semoga, seusai pemilu yang kebetulan
bulan Ramadhan dan Idul Fitri, kita bisa membenahi kembali sendi-sendi kesatuan
bangsa yang mengalami retak dan semua permusuhan dan kebencian bisa dihapuskan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">Ahmad Najib Burhani Peneliti Senior
di Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (LIPI)</span></i><span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #16191f; font-family: Times; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times;">https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2019/04/16/menjaga-persaudaraan-kebangsaan/<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--EndFragment--><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-M5McGJLdGfc/XLjlSG3krSI/AAAAAAAARP0/slxpXlZgFs8u-wb0MeOsweMmAvH1rTf5wCLcBGAs/s1600/D4O68vUU4AIbYrJ.jpg-large.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1282" data-original-width="906" height="640" src="https://1.bp.blogspot.com/-M5McGJLdGfc/XLjlSG3krSI/AAAAAAAARP0/slxpXlZgFs8u-wb0MeOsweMmAvH1rTf5wCLcBGAs/s640/D4O68vUU4AIbYrJ.jpg-large.jpeg" width="452" /></a></div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-90297570869943566402019-03-07T04:15:00.002-06:002019-03-07T04:16:17.330-06:00Nahdlatul Ulama and the Framing of an Ideological Battle in the 2019 Indonesian Elections<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<i>ISEAS Commentary, </i>2019/26, 7 March 2019<br />
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At a seminar organised on 25 Feb 2019 by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute, Yenny Zannuba Wahid of the Wahid Foundation described a divide in Indonesia’s Islamic landscape in the context of the forthcoming 2019 presidential elections.<br />
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The divide is animated by two different ideological leanings supported by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and certain Islamist groups, particularly the banned Indonesian Hizbut Tahrir (HTI), respectively. The former is against the establishment of a caliphate, the adoption of syariah as positive law in Indonesia, the implementation of religion-based by-laws, and staunchly supports the principles of NKRI (<i>Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia</i>, Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia). In contrast, the latter champions the implementation of syariah law in Indonesia, transforming it into “NKRI Bersyariah”, and some of them even support the Islamic caliphate.</div>
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The NU believes that the Islamist groups, including the ex-HTI, are supporting and operating within the Prabowo camp. It sees Hasyim Djojohadikusumo’s (Prabowo’s brother and founding member of Gerindra) statement that the Gerindra Party and Prabowo’s camp welcome any group to join them, including ex-HTI and ex-communist party (PKI) members, as indicative of that position.</div>
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In framing this election as an ideological battle, NU has been “cancut tali wondo” (fully and actively involved) in supporting Joko Widodo’s camp. The NU believes that more than just a regular election is at stake this time round, including Pancasila (the Indonesia state ideology that supports pluralism) and what is known as moderate Islam. In other words, there is fear that Joko Widodo’s loss could lead to the transformation of Indonesia into NKRI Bersyariah, or the government would implement an exclusive Pancasila, giving particular emphasis to the first pillar, Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (Believe in Only One God).</div>
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NKRI Bersyariah implies that all regulations in this “Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia” must comply with Syariah law. Furthermore, implementing an exclusive Pancasila would mean promoting orthodoxy to the point of not tolerating <i>Penghayat Kepercayaan</i> (native faith follower) and those that are considered deviant sects, like the Ahmadiyah and Syiah.</div>
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Besides the issue of the ideological battle, NU has also thrown its full support behind Joko Widodo because of the incumbent’s decision to choose Ma’ruf Amin, former rois ‘am (supreme leader) of NU, as his running mate. For NU, as both Hasyim Muzadi (former chairman of the NU) and Salahuddin Wahid (former president Abdurrahman Wahid’s brother and an influential leader of the NU) had lost previously as vice-presidential candidates, the stakes are high. It would be catastrophic for NU’s standing to suffer a third loss.</div>
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What remains unclear is whether NU members are more likely to support Joko Widodo because of the ideological framing, or because they want to see Ma’ruf Amin become vice president. If it is the former, that will have a more deeply polarising effect on Indonesia’s Islamic landscape. If it is the latter, there is a certain degree of dissonance because Ma’ruf Amin used to be part of the groups that are now attacking Joko Widodo.<br />
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<em style="box-sizing: border-box;">Dr Ahmad Najib Burhani is Visiting Fellow with ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute.</em><br />
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The facts and views expressed are solely that of the author/authors and do not necessarily reflect that of ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form without permission.</div>
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<div style="background-color: white; box-sizing: border-box; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #444444; font-family: "roboto" , sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 14px;">https://www.iseas.edu.sg/medias/commentaries/item/9191-nahdlatul-ulama-and-the-framing-of-an-ideological-battle-in-the-2019-indonesian-elections-by-ahmad-najib-burhani</span></span></div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-60694816141867739252019-03-02T04:38:00.001-06:002019-03-03T05:17:24.179-06:00Nasionalisme NU<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<i>Kompas, </i>1 Maret 2019, h. 6</div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Pusaka hati wahai tanah airku <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Cintaku dalam imanku<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">~Mars <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Yalal
Wathon</i>~<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Dalam
artikelnya yang berjudul </span><span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">“Kematian
Gus Dur dan Lahirnya Habitus Baru Kebinekaan Indonesia” (2016), Ahmad Suaedy
menjelaskan bahwa penerimaan Pancasila dan kebangsaan secara penuh dalam tubuh
NU (Nahdlatul Ulama) itu baru terjadi tahun 1984, yaitu ketika NU menjelaskan Pancasila
dan kebangsaan dengan bahasa syariah. Namun, semangat itu kini telah menjadi,
meminjam istilah Pierre Bourdieu (1984), habitus baru di organisasi ini. Sikap
NU yang muncul belakangan ini terhadap Pancasila dan HTI (Hizbut Tahrir
Indonesia) merupakan implementasi dari habitus itu.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Memperteguh momentum tahun 1980-an
itu, pada 2013 yang lalu GP (Gerakan Pemuda) Anshor, sayap pemuda dari NU,
menggali dan merekonstruksi mars <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Yalal
Wathon</i> (atau <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Ya Ahlal Wathon</i>,
Wahai Anak Bangsa) berdasarkan penuturan KH. Maimun Zubair, Rembang. Lagu yang
menggelorakan semangat cinta tanah air ini sebelumnya hilang dari peredaran. Sebelum
2013, mereka yang lahir dan tumbuh dari keluarga NU pun hampir tidak pernah
mendengar lagu ini dalam berbagai pertemuan dan kegiatan NU. </span><span style="background-color: white; color: #1d2129; font-family: system-ui, -apple-system, BlinkMacSystemFont, '.SFNSText-Regular', sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">Sekarang, lagu ini dinyanyikan hampir di setiap kegiatan yang diselenggarakan NU. Ini adalah fenomena baru yang mempertegas bagaimana nasionalisme itu tumbuh dan mentradisi dalam organisasi yang pada 27 Februari - 1 Maret 2019 ini melangsungkan Musyawarah Nsional (munas) serta konferensi besar (konbes) di Banjar, Jawa Barat itu.</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Jika dirunut lebih panjang lagi,
paduan antara keislaman dan kebangsaan dalam tubuh NU itu juga bisa ditemukan
dalam berbagai slogan dan nama yang di pakai di lingkungan NU. Nama Garda
Bangsa, pasukan pengamanan sipil di PKB (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa), dan Pagar
Nusa, seni beladiri di NU, dan tentu saja dengan Resolusi Jihad pada 22 Oktober
1945 adalah monumen dan momentum penting yang mempertegas kebangsaan NU. Maka
tak mengherankan jika organisasi ini terlihat sangat keras dalam melawan
berbagai gerakan yang mencoba mengganggu negara-bangsa ini. Organisasi ini
seperti terpanggil untuk “cancut tali wondo” melawan tuntutan pendirian
khilafah dan keinginan beberapa orang untuk mewujudkan “NKRI Bersyariah”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Semangat yang begitu tinggi dari NU
dalam konteks kebangsaan dan keindonesiaan ini memang kadang menjebak beberapa
aktivis NU untuk menjadi, meminjam istilah Kevin W. Fogg (2018), “Revisionist
NU History”. Ini, misalnya, bisa terlihat dalam tulisan Yahya Cholil Staquf
(2018) yang berjudul “Islamist politics in 'reformasi' Indonesia”. Dalam
tulisan itu, Staquf menjelaskan bahwa pada tahun 1950an dan 1960an, Wahab
Hasbullah dari NU berperan penting dalam menghalangi Masyumi yang berjuang untuk
mengembalikan Piagam Jakarta dan menjadikan Indonesia sebagai Negara Islam. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Tentu saja klaim itu tidak
berdasarkan pada data sejarah yang selama ini banyak tersebar, tapi lebih
kepada semangat kebangsaan yang ingin menunjukkan betapa nasionalisnya NU. Pada
kenyataannya pada waktu itu, NU turut serta mendukung upaya demokratis untuk
kembalinya Piagam Jakarta dan upaya menjadikan Indonesia sebagai negara Islam.
Tanpa harus “merevisi” sejarah seperti ini pun, peran NU dalam kebangsaan tak
akan pernah diragukan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Semangat nasionalisme yang tinggi
dari NU itu tentu saja perlu semakin diperteguh dengan semangat menjadi tenda
bangsa atau payung bersama. Hal yang mudah menggelincirkan organisasi besar
seperti NU, dan juga Muhammadiyah, adalah merasa sebagai satu-satunya wujud
dari Indonesia itu sendiri atau sebagai representasi paling otentik dari
Nusantara. Padahal Indonesia tidak bisa direduksi hanya menjadi Islam atau Jawa
saja, atau bahkan kelompok santri saja atau NU dan Muhammadiyah saja, karena
bangsa ini adalah majemuk dari segi pemahaman keagamaan, agamanya, etnisnya,
dan sebagainya. Semua pihak memiliki kontribusi dan peran tertentu dalam
membangun dan merawat bangsa yang tak boleh dinafikan. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Upaya menjadi tenda kebangsaan atau
payung bersama ini setidaknya sudah dimulai oleh KH Ma’ruf Amin yang lebih banyak
mempromosikan <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Islam Wasatiyyah </i>(Islam
moderat) daripada Islam Nusantara yang khas NU. Ini yang perlu terus
dikembangkan dengan, misalnya, menghindari klaim sebagai satu-satunya Islam
yang benar atau keinginan menguasai seluruh kursi kabinet atau keinginan
menjadikan Indonesia sebagai “negara santri”. Menjadi tenda bangsa bukanlah
perkara mudah karena kadang harus membuat “uneasy alliance” dengan kelompok
tertentu yang tak disukai atau tak seide. Tapi ini adalah konsekuensi dan
tantangan menjadi negara dengan masyarakat yang majemuk. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Memang, banyak warga NU yang merasa
bahwa mereka belum mendapatkan imbalan yang sepadan dengan kontribusi mereka
dalam kebangsaan. Di gambar-gambar (relief) dan patung-patung museum yang
terletak di kaki Monas (Monumen Nasional), misalnya, kontribubusi NU dalam
masa-masa revolusi tak nampak. Ada satu atau dua gambar tentang pesantren, tapi
tidak diasosiasikan ke NU. Sementara agama lain dan kelompok agama lain
mendapatkan ruang yang lebih banyak. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Terakhir, NU adalah organisasi
besar yang dengan pengikut yang berjumlah puluhan juta bisa memiliki pengaruh
sosial dan politik yang sangat tinggi. Dengan kekuatannya yang besar itu, NU
secara otomatis memiliki tanggungjawab yang besar terhadap negara Indonesia,
baik dalam menjaga ke-bhinekaannya dan juga dalam kemajuannya. “With Great
Power Comes Great Responsibility”. Selamat ber-Munas dan ber-Konbes!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">-oo0oo-<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--EndFragment--><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12.0pt;">*Peneliti Senior di LIPI (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan
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<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span lang="EN-SG" style="font-family: "times new roman"; font-size: 12pt;"><b>The Nationalism of Nahdlatul Ulama</b></span></span></div>
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<span class="text-bold" style="box-sizing: border-box; font-weight: 700; outline: 0px;">AHMAD NAJIB BURHANI</span></div>
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<time datetime="2019-03-02 11:16:46" style="box-sizing: border-box; outline: 0px;">2 Maret 2019 · 11:16 IWST </time></div>
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“My heirloom, O my homeland</div>
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The love of my faith.”</div>
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Mars Yalal Wathon</div>
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In his article “The Death of Gus Dur and the Birth of the New Habitus of Indonesian Diversity” (2016), Ahmad Suaedy wrote that Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) fully accepted Pancasila and nationalism only in 1984, when the country’s largest Muslim organization explained Pancasila and nationality using the language of sharia.</div>
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However, that spirit has now become – to borrow from Pierre Bourdieu (1984) – the organization’s new habitus. NU’s approach towards Pancasila and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), which has emerged recently, is a manifestation of this habitus.</div>
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In developing the momentum from the 1980s, Gerakan Pemuda Anshor, the youth wing of NU, explored and reworked the song “Yalal Wathon” (“Ya Ahlal Wathon”, or “O Son of the Nation”) in 2013, based on the narrative of K.H. Maimun Zubair, of Rembang regency. The new song, which celebrates love of our homeland, was not in circulation before then.</div>
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Those who were born and raised in NU families had rarely heard this song at the many meetings and activities of NU before 2013. It became a new phenomenon that reinforced nationalism that eventually became a tradition of the organization, which held a national assembly and grand conference on Feb. 27-March 1, 2019 in Banjar, West Java.</div>
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Digging further, the Islam-nationalism combination in NU can also be found in its various slogans and names: Garda Bangsa, the name of the National Awakening Party’s (PKB) civil security force; Pagar Nusa, NU’s martial arts form; and of course, the Resolusi Jihad (Jihad Resolution) of Oct. 22, 1945, are important milestones that reinforce NU’s sense of nationalism.</div>
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Therefore, it is unsurprising that the organization is very firm in fighting the various movements trying to disrupt the nation-state. NU appears to have taken up the duty of cancut tali wondo (to use all available resources) against the demands to establish an Islamic caliphate and the wishes of some to realize a “Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) with sharia”.</div>
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The NU’s high enthusiasm for nationalism and Indonesian-ness has indeed entrapped its members in creating – to borrow from Kevin W. Fogg (2018) – Revisionist NU History. This, for example, can be seen in Yahya Cholil Staquf’s “Islamist politics in Indonesiab ‘reform’”(2018).</div>
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Staquf explains in his article that, in the 1950s and 1960s, NU’s Wahab Hasbullah played an important role in blocking Masyumi’s efforts to restore the Jakarta Charter and turning Indonesia into an Islamic country.</div>
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Of course, this claim is not based on the widely available historical data, but rather on a nationalistic spirit that yearns to demonstrate NU’s high sense of nationalism. In fact, NU was then supporting democratic efforts to revive the Jakarta Charter and to turn Indonesia into an Islamic country. Even without “revising” history like this, NU’s role in developing nationalism can never be doubted.</div>
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Nationwide umbrella</div>
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NU’s high spirit of nationalism must certainly be expanded into a nationwide umbrella, or a roof over the nation. What can easily derail large organizations like NU, and also Muhammadiyah, is growing to believe that it is Indonesia or the most authentic representation of Nusantara (the Indonesian archipelago). In fact, Indonesia cannot be reduced as simply Islamic or Javanese, or even a group of santri (strict adherents of orthodox Islam), NU or Muhammadiyah, because this nation is pluralistic in terms of religious understanding, religion, ethnicity, and so on. It is undeniable that all parties contribute to and have a specific role in building and maintaining the nation.</div>
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The initial effort to become a nationwide roof or umbrella already began with K.H. Ma’ruf Amin, who promoted Islam Wasatiyyah (moderate Islam), rather than the Islam Nusantara that is typical of NU.</div>
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This is what needs continual development by, for example, avoiding claims as the “true Islam” and the desire to control all Cabinet seats or to turng Indonesia in a “country of santri”. Being the nation’s roof is not an easy matter, which sometimes requires forming uneasy alliances with certain groups that it dislikes or those that do not share the same ideals. However, this is the consequence and challenges of being a country with a pluralistic society.</div>
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Indeed, many NU members feel that the organization has not been recognized for its contribution to nationalism. For example, NU’s contributions to the Indonesian National Revolution are not visible among the reliefs and statues of the National Monument (Monas). There are one or two pictures of Islamic boarding schools, but they are not associated with NU, and other religions and religious groups have been given more space.</div>
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To conclude, NU is a large organization with tens of millions of followers that can be highly influential both socially and politically. By default, this great strength means that NU has an equally great responsibility for Indonesia in maintaining both its diversity and its progress.</div>
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“With great power comes great responsibility.”</div>
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(<strong style="box-sizing: border-box; line-height: inherit; outline: 0px;">Ahmad Najib Burhani</strong>, Senior Researcher, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI))</div>
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https://kompas.id/baca/utama/2019/03/02/the-nationalism-of-nahdlatul-ulama/</div>
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https://kompas.id/baca/opini/2019/03/01/nasionalisme-nu/</div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-8427294641507096042018-11-28T08:59:00.003-06:002018-11-28T08:59:48.231-06:00Islam Nusantara as a Promising Response to Religious Intolerance and Radicalism<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<li><span style="background-color: white; color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">The Indonesian government has tried to defeat terrorist groups and uproot radicalism, both through military and cultural-ideological approaches. The recent attack at Mako Brimob Depok, West Java, and the bombing in Surabaya, East Java, however, have shown that radical Islam and terrorist groups are not defeated yet. </span></li>
<li><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Killing terrorist does not always mean killing terrorism. It could even have the opposite impact, i.e., strengthening and fertilizing the radical ideology. The government, being aware of this, has been supporting Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in promoting Islam Nusantara, widely believed to be the ideological antidote for radicalism and terrorism. </span></li>
<li><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Proponents of Islam Nusantara believe that radical ideology contradicts the character traits of Islam Nusantara, i.e., peaceful, smiling, tolerant, moderate, and accommodative to culture. Radicalism and intolerance are commonly seen in NU circles as being disseminated by transnational movements such as Hizbut Tahrir and Salafi-Wahhabi groups. Though not terrorist groups, they do teach intolerant and exclusive religiosity which provides a breeding ground for terrorism. </span></li>
<li><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Among Indonesian Muslims, including NU, Islam Nusantara has received varied responses and been met by resistance. The emergence of NU</span><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"> </span><i style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">Garis Lurus</i><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;"> </span><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">and the concerted efforts to debunk Islam Nusantara by some preachers are among the forms of activities that seek to undermine Islam Nusantara. </span></li>
<li><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify; white-space: pre;">T</span><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">he introduction of Islam Nusantara is further hampered by the attitude of some of its proponents who emphasize its exclusivity by identifying Islam Nusantara only with NU. </span></li>
<li><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify; white-space: pre;">B</span><span style="color: #4e4e4e; font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; text-align: justify;">arring its current limits, Islam Nusantara has the potential to become an exceptional form of Islam or a template for tolerant Islam that can be emulated by Muslims in other parts of the world, especially in terms of its ability to accommodate local culture and multiculturalism.</span></li>
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><a data-ft="{"tn":"-U"}" data-lynx-mode="origin" data-lynx-uri="https://l.facebook.com/l.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.iseas.edu.sg%2Fimages%2Fpdf%2FTRS21_18.pdf%3Ffbclid%3DIwAR3yQMbD6ulwR_e3Nk6HMLRDuX-rMG906wjzb_CxqYgoeIYDKNG34jCfrTM&h=AT1c8uiB-7ud3HyQ8yQJXne626rfZmsy2lz7hdxfJthriDPPkeAOm2TA_DU_c2s4AwpYmBJiW4-vTeNwId7VSsATws_JGz086-oXzCfE1g3tt4O6k6na8oSAdoECtHIY4WeFggoDlXnJcNgHq15ZB08LG5pZNu5u_A" href="https://www.iseas.edu.sg/images/pdf/TRS21_18.pdf?fbclid=IwAR3yQMbD6ulwR_e3Nk6HMLRDuX-rMG906wjzb_CxqYgoeIYDKNG34jCfrTM" rel="nofollow" style="color: #365899; cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">https://www.iseas.edu.sg/images/pdf/TRS21_18.pdf</a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif;"><br /><a class="profileLink" data-hovercard-prefer-more-content-show="1" data-hovercard="/ajax/hovercard/user.php?id=100012777606978&extragetparams=%7B%22__tn__%22%3A%22%2CdK-R-R%22%2C%22eid%22%3A%22ARDJUhaudILYjpk76qDwaBR_q-DIfiQETP0shRon8-i7_TgcSk3C5FMtr_5ErnQOmvQkpuEswKMG1PvI%22%2C%22fref%22%3A%22mentions%22%7D" href="https://www.facebook.com/ahmadnajibburhani?__tn__=%2CdK-R-R&eid=ARDJUhaudILYjpk76qDwaBR_q-DIfiQETP0shRon8-i7_TgcSk3C5FMtr_5ErnQOmvQkpuEswKMG1PvI&fref=mentions" style="color: #365899; cursor: pointer; text-decoration: none;">Ahmad Najib Burhani</a>. 2018. “Islam Nusantara as a Promising Response to Religious Intolerance and Radicalism”. <i>Trends in Southeast Asia</i>, No. 21, pp. 1-29.</span></div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-76406962179445740812018-11-20T08:59:00.001-06:002018-11-20T09:02:03.750-06:00Reawakening Islamic Civilization: Revitalizing Islamic Wasatiyyat in the Contemporary World<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<!--StartFragment--><span style="font-family: "calibri";">International Seminar on Islamic Civilization
(ISIC) on “Reawakening Islamic Civilization: Revitalizing Islamic Wasatiyyat in
the Contemporary World ”, Universitas Islam Negeri Ar-Raniry, Darusssalam Banda
Aceh, Aceh, Indonesia, 17 November 2018</span><!--EndFragment--> </div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-86634930682027694432017-12-01T08:40:00.000-06:002018-01-10T21:31:26.600-06:00Al-Tawassut wa-l I'tidal: Moderatisme Islam di Indonesia<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="text-indent: -0.25in;">"Al-Tawassut wa-l I'tidal: Moderatisme Islam di Indonesia", Kajian di Islam Nusantara Center - INC, Ciputat, Sabtu, 25 Nov 2017.</span><br />
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<div>
http://www.jagatngopi.com/apa-makna-moderatisme-islam-menurut-kh-ahmad-shiddiq/</div>
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https://www.nu.or.id/post/read/83679/moderatisme-islam-ala-kiai-ahmad-shiddiq-seperti-apa</div>
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https://www.arrahmah.co.id/2017/11/makna-moderatisme-islam-menurut-kh.html</div>
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https://jaringansantri.com/najib-burhani-muslim-amerika-enggan-disebut-islam-moderat/</div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-44477837398078394662017-11-20T21:38:00.000-06:002018-01-10T21:38:54.519-06:00Halaqah Nasional Ulama & Cendekiawan<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
Halaqah Nasional Ulama & Cendekiawan, Jakarta, 16-19 November 2017<br />
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-17086933797528361582017-06-22T23:42:00.002-05:002017-06-22T23:42:19.331-05:00Melumerkan Konservatisme di dalam Nahdlatul Ulama<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Daniel Dhakidae</div>
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Judul : Pergolakan di Jantung Tradisi:<br />NU yang Saya Amati<br />Penulis : As’ad Said Ali<br />Penerbit : Pustaka LP3ES Indonesia, 2008<br />Tebal : xxiii + 263 halaman<br />ISBN : 9789793330761</div>
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Sekurang-kurangnya terbuka dua cara membaca buku ini. Cara pertama adalah membacanya sebagai pandangan orang dalam yang menyaksikan dari dekat perkembangan Nahdlatul Ulama (NU): ajarannya, dogma, dan doktrin, para pemimpin puncak yang datang silih berganti. Karena itu dengan sendirinya bisa dipahami mengapa judul “Pergolakan di Jantung Tradisi” dipersonalisasikan menjadi pergolakan yang “saya amati”, sebagai sub-judul. Legitimasi asal-usul penulisnya, hubungan kekerabatan dengan elite Nahdlatul Ulama, menjadi bagian dari personalisasi ini. Dengan mengambil posisi seperti itu, legitimasi internal, buku ini menjadi sesuatu yang tentu saja memberikan sumbangan khas.</div>
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Cara kedua, memusatkan perhatian pada sesuatu yang tidak jauh dari judul: pergolakan. Meskipun dimaksudkan sebagai “pergolakan di jantung tradisi” Nahdlatul Ulama, sumbangan terbesar buku ini untuk para pembaca umum, yang tidak melihatnya sebagai pergerakan agama, adalah pergolakan di dalam NU dalam sambungannya dengan pergolakan sosial dan politik pada masa-masa yang sangat krusial menuju pergolakan besar, yaitu gerakan reformasi yang menumbangkan Orde Baru, dan awal dari krisis-demi-krisis sesudahnya. Tinjauan ini memusatkan perhatian pada yang kedua, yaitu melihat dari sisi perubahan yang terjadi di dalam NU, dan menelusuri babak-demi-babak persambungan ideologis, agama, dan gerakan sosial yang terjadi di Indonesia pada masa mutakhir.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1em; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Perubahan di NU</strong></div>
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Inilah suatu organisasi tua yang didirikan pada 1926 di tengah bergeloranya nasionalisme yang dipimpin kaum cendekiawan Indonesia. Karena itu, umurnya setua pergerakan nasional, dan dalam banyak hal mewarisi semangat pergerakan itu, dalam konteks dan tuntutan zaman sampai sekarang.</div>
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Melihat namanya, organisasi itu adalah organisasi kaum elite, demi kebangunan kaum elite, yaitu kaum alim ulama yang memiliki solidaritas sosial yang kuat. Pendidikan menjadi ajang utama kegiatannya. Kesan kedesaan, yang melekat atau diusahakan untuk dilekatkan dengannya, dalam banyak hal tidak jauh dari kenyataan karena orientasinya memang diarahkan pada lapisan masyarakat itu; namun, di pihak lain, lebih merupakan social prejudice semata. Kedesaan tidak pernah menjadi soal sampai konsep itu disamaratakan dengan konservatisme.</div>
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Di sana baru muncul soal kalau pembaca usai membaca buku ini. Usaha untuk melepaskan diri dari yang kedua, konservatisme tanpa ampun, sudah berlangsung lama. Salah satu usaha besar dalam gerak menuju perubahan itulah yang menjadi topik bahasan buku ini, yaitu gerakangerakan dari dalam yang—sebagaimana khusus dibahas buku ini—berasal dari lapisan elite yang lain, yaitu kaum muda NU. Menurut penulis buku ini, sejumlah besar perubahan sedang berlangsung tidak saja secara organisasional, “… melainkan justru mempertanyakan pola yang selama ini dianggap baku ...</div>
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Sistem bermazhab ... terus-menerus digedor oleh pemikiran kritis, yang justru berasal dari lingkungan NU sendiri. Tak disangka, perubahan itu berlangsung cepat. Pola bermazhab qauly, (mengambil ‘pendapat jadi’ dalam pemikiran fiqh klasik) segera dilengkapi dengan pola manhajy (pengambilan hukum dengan menggunakan metodologi yang digunakan ahli fiqh). Perubahan ini sesungguhnya cukup radikal, karena dengan mengimplementasikan pola manhajy, NU sebenarnya mulai menerapkan ijtihad, suatu prisip yang sangat dihindari selama ini yang seakan menjadi monopoli kaum modernis” (hal. 6).</div>
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Bila diperhatikan untuk perubahan pada masa-masa mutakhir, penulis buku ini menempatkan tahun 1970-an sebagai tahun-tahun paling menentukan bagi NU modern. Pemilihan tahun 1970-an sebagai titik-tolak tentu sesuatu yang jeli untuk dilihat, meski tahun-tahun itu tidak semata-mata menggerakkan perubahan di dalam NU, karena berbagai sektor sosial-politik dan ekonomi nasional memang dirancang untuk berubah dari atas, Orde Baru, dengan seluruh konsekuensi yang ditanggung.</div>
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Karena berurusan dengan pendidikan maka kontak-kontak dengan berbagai lembaga pendidikan resmi kenegaraan dan lembaga-lembaga swadaya masyarakat (LSM) menjadi faktor penentu bukan saja terhadap perubahan, tetapi juga terhadap jenis dan kualitas perubahan (hal. 6-11). Dari antaranya kontak dengan Lembaga Penelitian, Pendidikan, dan Penerangan Ekonomi dan Sosial (LP3ES) menjadi sesuatu yang sangat mendalam dan menentukan dalam beberapa arti berikut ini:</div>
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Pertama, kontak itu menjadi semacam breakthrough untuk menyibak dikotomi yang selama ini berkembang di kalangan NU, seperti NU yang konservatif dan Muhammadiyah yang modern, yang dilanggengkan oleh pertikaianpertikaian politik “seperti pisahnya NU dengan Masyumi, konflik unsur dalam PPP dan beragam peristiwa politik lainnya” (hal.51). Kedua, pesantren sendiri tiba pada suatu self-consciousness yang membawa perubahan besar, yaitu kesadaran akan potensi dirinya sendiri dalam mengadakan hubungan dengan dunia luar. Semua yang disebut di atas seolah-olah menjadi persemaian ke arah perubahan besar yang dialami NU pada tahun-tahun ke depan yang menjadi topik utama pembahasan buku ini.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1em; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Pergulatan Dua Kubu</strong></div>
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Sebagaimana dikatakan di atas, kesan kedesaan, meski benar, sering menafikan upaya intelektual, yang sangat urban, yang berlangsung keras di dalam NU. Buku ini memilih pergumulan itu dengan jitu. Ia mengambil dua kutub paling menentukan dalam perkembangan NU,baik secara organisasi maupun, malah yang paling utama, berani mengambil langkah apa yang disebut buku ini sebagai pola manhajy, yaitu menafsirkan sendiri teks berdasarkan konteks sosial dan politik yang berlangsung di luar konvensi yang sampai saat itu dihormati. Dari beberapa temuan, dikemukakan polarisasi dua kutub pergerakan di kalangan muda NU. Mungkin ini yang paling menarik untuk disimak bukan saja ditinjau dari perkembangan NU, tetapi juga sesuatu yang sangat berguna untuk studi-studi pergerakan di Indonesia pada umumnya.</div>
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Namun, sebelum melihat bagaimana interaksi dua kubu itu, perlu dilihat lingkungan sosialpolitik dan ekonomi yang memungkinkan perkembangan ini. Proses yang sangat menentukan adalah perubahan dalam kepemimpinan NU yang sudah mengambil bentuk sejak tahun 1970-an dan menjadi matang pada proses pergantian kepemimpinan tertinggi NU ketika yang menggantikan adalah generasi non-founding father pada 1981. Waktu itu Kiai Ali Ma’sum dipilih menjadi Ketua Rais Aam yang pada dasarnya dimotori oleh kaum lebih muda seperti Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). Semua ini melicinkan jalan menuju pilihan “keluar dari gelanggang politik” yang secara resmi diputuskan pada Muktamar Situbondo (hal. 60-63). Dengan berkiprahnya Gus Dur yang membawa</div>
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serta kaum muda, dengan jaringan luas yang dimilikinya, terjadi perubahan yang semakin dalam memasuki NU dan berpuncak pada pengambilan keputusan untuk keluar dari politik dan “kembali ke Khittah” yang tidak lain “bringing the society back in” bagi kalangan NU. Semua sebenarnya tidak menjadi soal kalau sekiranya tidak bertabrakan dengan kontradiksi yang diciptakan oleh Orde Baru. Secara teoretis, Orde Baru seharusnya menyetujui paham “kembali ke Kitthah”, untuk keluar dari politik yang seharusnya mempermudah urusan politik Orde Baru. Namun, meninggalkan politik berarti “meninggalkan Orde Baru” yang dengan sendirinya akan diamati seteliti membelah rambut untuk dibagi tujuh.</div>
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Keluar dari politik dalam konteks ini adalah “pembangkangan”. Mengembalikan masyarakat atau kembali ke masyarakat artinya resistensi kepada kekuatan negara Orde Baru Suharto yang tengah membina kekuasaan neofasis dengan langkah-langkah pasti sejak tahun 1982 (hal. 67-89). Dengan “kembali ke Khittah” yang berarti mengembalikan masyarakat ke pangkuan NU, dibentuk lembaga-lembaga independen berpandangan kritis, baik dalam maupun luar, sambil tetap resisten terhadap Orde Baru. Dalam konteks inilah terbentuk kutub kutub seperti dikemukakan di bawah ini.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1em; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Kutub Satu: LKiS, Yogyakarta</strong></div>
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Gerakan pemuda, mahasiswa, dan masyarakat tahun 1980-an memisahkan diri dari berbagai gerakan mahasiswa tahun 1970-an yang praktis mengekor kepada apa yang didikte oleh gerakan mahasiswa Jakarta yang selalu menggemakan slogan “gerakan moral” untuk menandaskan keterpisahannya dari gerakan politik. Gerakan ini, dilihat dari sisi internasional, adalah bertemunya berbagai pemikiran kiri modern yang berembus dari Amerika Latin, pemikiran kiri modern dari Timur Tengah, terutama yang berasal dari Iran dan Mesir, dan revival pemikiran kiri kaum pergerakan Indonesia tahun 1920-an yang menghipnotis mahasiswa. Dari Barat, persisnya Amerika Latin, paham- paham liberation theology begitu menarik mahasiswa dan aktivis bangsa ini. Logika Marxis dari teologi Kristen-Katolik tidak lagi dilihat secara sektarian sebagai milik agama Kristen, tetapi yang dilihat adalah aplikasi politik dari semua asumsi teologis itu bagi suatu pemahaman politik masa kini. Universalisme aplikasi menjadi sesuatu yang jauh lebih penting. Penindasan terjadi karena sumbangan yang tidak kecil dari pemahaman, dan (salah) tafsir biblikal oleh kaum mapan dalam barisan para ahli teologi.</div>
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Karena itu alkitab harus mendapatkan tafsiran baru dan pembenaran terhadap penindasan tidak bisa/boleh dianut oleh agama apa pun. Penindasan Orde Baru terhadap masyarakat di sekitar Kedung Ombo pada tahun 1980-an menjadi kekuatan penggalang yang mempersatukan gerakan tanpa memedulikan agama yang di kalangan kaum muda NU dilanjutkan dengan gerakan pembebasan versi sendiri yang diterjemahkan menjadi “teologi pembebasan mazhab serambi mesjid” (hal. 146). Inilah yang menjadi cikal-bakal pembentukan “Lembaga Kajian Islam dan Sosial” yang secara simbolik disingkat menjadi LkiS. “I”slam yang menjadi “i” kecil “... bukanlah kesalahan melainkan suatu kesengajaan, untuk menunjukkan bahwa islam yang dimaksud bukanlah Islam yang berwajah ideologis dan doktriner melainkan gagasan Islam yang membebaskan” (hal. 146). Islam-nya adalah Islam menurut tafsiran para aktivis itu.</div>
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Ketika lembaga itu bergerak dalam berbagai bidang, antara lain penerbitan, perhatian dipusatkan pada penerbitan buku-buku kiri hasil pemikiran kiri yang berasal dari Iran. Kutipan berikut cukup menunjukkan suatu panorama luas dari pemikiran kiri teologis Islam yang dibawa masuk ke dalam terjemahan Indonesia atas prakarsa lembaga ini yang, “... mengorganisir diskusi mengenai pemikiran Islam kontemporer, seperti Hasan Hanafi, Fatima Mernisi, Asghar Ali Engeneer, Nasr Hamid Abu-Zayd, Mohammad Arkoun, dan lainnya” (hal.147).</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1em; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Kutub Dua:Aliran Liberal Jakarta</strong></div>
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Dengan meninggalkan gerakan-gerakan “tengah” yang lain, tinjauan ini langsung mengarah pada suatu gerakan modern dengan sayap “liberal”. Fundamentalisme Islam lebih menjadi perhatian dan kritiknya: “... munculnya lasykar lasykar Islam, yang dengan menggunakan atribut-atribut Islam justru memprovokasi masyarakat untuk melakukan tindak kekerasan. Sebagian besar kelompok itu bercirikan kurang toleran terhadap kelompok Islam lainnya atau bermusuhan dengan fenomena sosial yang dianggap tidak sesuai dengan doktrin Islam” (hal. 163). Mereka yang berpandangan ini berkumpul di dalam gerakan bertajuk “Jaringan Islam Liberal.” </div>
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Sebagaimana Marxisme dan teologi pembebasan yang memberi ilham kepada LKiS untuk suatu gerakan pembebasan, pemikiran liberal dengan semangat membela kebebasan yang menjadi hak setiap individu menjadi ciri kelompok ini. Demokrasi dan kebebasan pers, termasuk kapital yang menjadi pendukungnya dibela seperti suatu kebenaran alkitabiyah. Meskipun gerakan yang terhimpun dalam jaringan ini tidak bisa didaku menjadi milik NU, akan tetapi banyak aktivis utamanya memang berlatar belakang NU.</div>
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<strong style="border: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-size: 1em; margin: 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Penutup</strong></div>
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Penulis buku ini tidak mengatakan bahwa dua kutub ini bertikai di dalam gerakannya, akan tetapi dasar berpikir yang berbeda masuk ke dalam organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia ini. Fakta ini saja sudah cukup untuk melihat gejolak, pergolakan, dan pergerakan yang sungguh masuk ke dalam “jantung tradisi NU”. Pada awal tinjauan itu dikemukakan dua soal besar yang biasanya melekat di tubuh NU, yaitu “kedesaan” dan “konservatisme”. Dengan semua jenis aksi, dan pergolakan pemikiran di dalam Nadlatul Ulama yang disadap dari Barat dan Timur sekaligus, dan dicerna dengan tingkat intensitas begitu tinggi berdasarkan pengalaman sejarah bangsa ini sendiri, pertanyaan besar tak tertahankan: setelah selesai membaca buku ini di mana “kedesaan”? Di mana “konservatisme?”•</div>
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Didot, Georgia, Garamond, ‘Times New Roman’, Times, serif;"><span style="font-size: 14.4px;">http://www.prismajurnal.com/issues.php?id=5c5f3bb2-56c0-11e3-a6cc-429e1b0bc2fa&bid=29ac1eea-56b8-11e3-a6cc-429e1b0bc2fa</span></span></div>
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Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-47191763791230660132017-05-31T04:40:00.005-05:002017-05-31T04:40:45.679-05:00Islam Nusantara: Glocalization and the Rise of Politics of Identity in Indonesia<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Open Science Meeting 2017: Towards Resilience Society, Yogyakarta, 15-17 May 2017. Organized by KNAW, NWO, AIPI, and UGM. My paper: “<a href="https://opensciencemeeting.org/conference-2017/programme-outline/15-may-2017/">Islam Nusantara: Glocalization and the Rise of Politics of Identity in Indonesia</a>”</div>
Najib Burhanihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/11408309979390297973noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-9223328742178868692.post-67157696419295088892017-04-12T05:52:00.002-05:002017-04-12T05:52:26.225-05:00DUA WAJAH ISLAM NUSANTARA*)<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: white; font-weight: bold;">Mohamad Shohibuddin**)</span></div>
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Dalam berbagai pernyataan maupun dokumen yang diproduksi oleh para pemikir, ulama, aktivis maupun berbagai forum keorganisasian Nahdlatul Ulama, kerap ditegaskan bahwa Islam Nusantara adalah Islam yang tidak kalah otentik karena ia diturunkan dari dua sumber utama ajaran Islam: Al-Qur’an dan Sunnah Nabi. Dari sumber pertama, Islam Nusantara ditegaskan sebagai manifestasi dari perintah yang diberikan Allah kepada umat Islam sebagai umat terbaik (<span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">khayr al-ummah</span>), yaitu untuk memerintah <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf</span>, mencegah <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-munkar</span>, dan beriman kepada Allah (QS. 3: 110). Sedangkan dari sumber kedua, Islam Nusantara sering dikaitkan dengan sabda Nabi Muhammad SAW: “Sesuatu yang dipersepsi sebagai kebaikan oleh umat Islam, maka hal itu merupakan kebaikan pula di sisi Allah” (HR. Ahmad). </div>
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Berdasarkan acuan normatif di atas, paling tidak ada dua substansi dari Islam Nusantara yang tidak bisa dipisahkan satu sama lain (ibarat dua sisi uang koin): pertama, mewujudkan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf</span> dan kedua, merombak <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-munkar</span>. Oleh karena itu, pembahasan apapun mengenai wacana dan praktik Islam Nusantara—dan demikian pula, kritisisme apapun terhadapnya—seharusnya mengindahkan dua wajah dari Islam Nusantara ini tanpa terkecuali.</div>
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<span class="_4yxo" style="font-family: inherit; font-weight: bold;">
PRIBUMISASI</span></div>
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Secara leksikal, <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf </span>berarti “sesuatu yang sudah dikenal dan dimaklumi”, baik karena hal itu merupakan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">common sense</span>, kebiasaan yang telah diterima secara luas, atau mencerminkan nilai-nilai kebaikan universal. Sejalan dengan arti harfiah ini, kata <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf </span>kemudian menjadi sebuah konsep untuk merujuk sesuatu yang diinsyafi dan diterima secara luas oleh masyarakat sebagai kebajikan dan keutamaan karena sejalan dengan hati nurani, akal sehat, dan fitrah kemanusiaan. Tidak heran jika kata ini dalam QS. 3: 104 disandingkan dengan kata <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-khayr</span> yang mengandung arti “kebaikan”. Tidak aneh pula jika kata <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf </span>ini memiliki kaitan semantik yang erat dengan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-‘urf</span> dalam QS. 7: 199 yang berarti “praktik kebiasaan atau adat istiadat”. Pada kenyataannya, kata <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-‘urf </span>ini memang berbagi akar kata yang sama dengan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf</span>, dan karena itu <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-‘urf </span>harus dipahami sebagai suatu bentuk institusionalisasi atau pelembagaan—dalam konteks historis yang spesifik—atas segala hal yang telah diterima luas sebagai kebaikan dan kepentingan bersama.</div>
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Pemahaman semacam inilah yang mengantarkan pada wajah pertama, dan yang selama ini menjadi semacam <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">“trade mark”</span>, dari Islam Nusantara, yakni <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">pribumisasi</span>. Dalam hal ini, Islam Nusantara tak lain adalah ekspresi kejeniusan Muslim Nusantara dalam mendialogkan secara kreatif universalisme Islam di satu sisi dengan lokalitas <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">bumi</span> Nusantara (dan juga, <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">samuderanya</span>) di sisi yang berbeda. Di sini patut dicatat dua bentuk “translasi” yang berlangsung dalam proses dialog kreatif ini yang saling melengkapi satu sama lain, yakni apa yang diistilahkan di sini sebagai <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">“indijenisasi” </span>dan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">“universalisasi”</span>. </div>
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<span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">Indijenisasi </span>merujuk kepada bagaimana pesan-pesan moral dan transendensi Islam yang universal dibumikan dengan menggunakan dan memodifikasi konsep, arsitektur, simbol budaya, dan pranata sosial-politik yang telah ada. Kreativitas dan karakter persuasif dakwah Islam Wali Songo dan para pelanjutnya sering dikutip sebagai ilustrasi bentuk pertama pribumisasi ini, seperti <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">jimat kalimasada</span>, menara Kudus, arsitektur Masjid Demak, wayang kulit, kisah simbolik Dewa Ruci, institusi pesantren, dan sebagainya. </div>
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Bentuk pribumisasi kedua, <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">universalisasi</span>, berlangsung dalam arah terbalik, yakni dari partikularitas menjadi universalitas. Hal ini merujuk kepada bagaimana seperangkat nilai, norma sosial dan adat istiadat yang diterima luas sebagai kebajikan dan keutamaan (baca: <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf</span>) di aras lokal diadopsi, diambil alih dan kemudian dijadikan bagian dari hukum Islam yang berlaku lebih luas (paling tidak di tingkat nasional), sesuai prinsip yurisprudensi Islam: <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">“al-‘adah muhakkamah”</span> (adat kebiasaan bisa diangkat menjadi aturan hukum). Beberapa contoh yang bisa mengilustrasikan bentuk pribumisasi dalam arti kedua ini antara lain adalah adopsi sistem <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">gono-gini </span>di Jawa (atau <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">harta pencaharian </span>di Banjar, <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">pohroh </span>di Aceh, dsb) ke dalam Kompilasi Hukum Islam, perlindungan hak-hak perempuan melalui <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">sighot ta‘liq </span>usai akad nikah dan kompensasi hak waris perempuan melalui hibah harta orang tua sebelum meninggal, dan sebagainya. Arus kedua inilah yang mendasari visi <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">Fiqh Indonesia</span>, yakni “… fiqh yang ditetapkan sesuai dengan kepribadian Indonesia, sesuai dengan tabi’at dan watak Indonesia” (Hasby ash-Shiddieqy, 1966: 43).</div>
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<span class="_4yxo" style="font-family: inherit; font-weight: bold;">TRANSFORMASI</span></div>
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Wajah Islam Nusantara kedua yang tidak kalah penting, namun kerapkali dikaburkan oleh sebagian kalangan Nahdliyyin sendiri akibat penekanan berlebihan atas pribumisasi, adalah Islam Nusantara sebagai kekuatan pembebas (transformasi). Padahal perintah Allah untuk melarang dan mengenyahkan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-munkar </span>selalu menyusuli perintah untuk memerintahkan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma’ruf</span>. Hal ini bisa dipahami karena baik secara harfiah maupun konseptual, kata <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-munkar </span>merupakan kebalikan 180 derajat dari <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf</span>. Apabila <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-ma‘ruf </span>berarti sesuatu yang diketahui dan diterima luas karena sesuai dengan akal sehat dan fitrah kemanusiaan, maka <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-munkar </span>adalah sesuatu yang secara luas diingkari karena menyalahi akal sehat, nurani dan fitrah kemanusiaan.</div>
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Tidak bisa diingkari bahwa masyarakat Muslim Indonesia, terutama kalangan Nahdliyyin, memiliki kepeloporan sejarah dan peran besar dalam mewujudkan misi Islam sebagai kekuatan transformasi ini. Sebagai misal, para kiyai dan santri dikenal dengan perjuangan heroiknya dalam menentang kemungkaran kolonialisme maupun dalam pembentukan identas nasional. Demikian pula, kalangan Nahdliyyin dewasa ini juga amat bersemangat menyuarakan perlawanan terhadap kemungkaran kekerasan dan terorisme, terlebih apabila hal itu diatasnamakan agama. Kalangan Nahdliyyin juga sangat gigih membela persatuan dan kedaulatan bangsa Indonesia yang dewasa ini tengah menghadapi berbagai ancaman serius dari gerakan separatisme maupun trans-nasionalisme.</div>
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Terlepas dari itu, kekerasan dan populisme keagamaan yang marak belakangan ini harus dipahami lebih dari sekedar pertarungan identitas komunal belaka. Alih-alih, fenomena kontemporer itu juga harus dilihat sebagai dampak tragis dari jenis kemungkaran global yang lebih bersifat struktural dan berdampak luas. Perang dan kekerasan sektarian di beberapa negara Timur Tengah belakangan ini, misalnya, tidak terlepas dari sejarah <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">ekspansi kapitalisme </span>yang berlangsung secara brutal di kawasan ini. Sebab, ekspansi itu tidak cukup diwujudkan dengan mendorong liberalisasi ekonomi belaka (minus demokrasi di negara-negara sekutu AS). Namun, ekspansi itu juga melibatkan pengerahan kekuatan ekstra-ekonomi (dalam bentuk penggulingan paksa rezim anti-AS), termasuk dengan memanfaatkan dan mempersenjatai kelompok ekstrimis. </div>
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Jadi, apa yang disebut dengan <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">fundamentalisme keagamaan </span>haruslah dipahami sebagai bagian yang tidak terpisahkan dari <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">fundamentalisme pasar</span>; dan karena itu, perlawanan kalangan Nahdliyyin terhadap fundamentalisme pertama tanpa disertai penentangan terhadap jenis yang kedua adalah suatu bentuk “gagal paham” terhadap struktur kemungkaran yang jauh lebih luas, mendasar dan subtil pada skala mondial. </div>
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Kontras sederhana berikut ini bisa menjadi contoh untuk menunjukkan kegagapan pembacaan di atas. Pengurus Besar NU akhir-akhir ini mencurahkan kepedulian dan respon yang luar biasa besar terhadap pidato kontroversial Ahok (hingga melahirkan gegar politik tersendiri di tubuh “Republik NU”). Ironisnya, pada sisi yang lain, Pengurus Besar NU gagal meletakkan pertarungan politik di ajang pilkada DKI ini dalam konteks kemungkaran neoliberalisme yang lebih besar, misalnya saja yang tercermin dalam penggusuran besar-besaran penduduk miskin kota maupun reklamasi pantai Jakarta oleh dan untuk korporasi. </div>
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Dalam konteks kegagapan pembacaan dan kepedulian yang timpang semacam ini, maka tidak salah apabila dinyatakan bahwa para eksponen Islam Nusantara hanya menonjolkan salah satu aspeknya saja (pribumisasi) dengan mengesampingkan aspek lain yang tak kalah pentingnya (transformasi). Dengan kata lain, Islam Nusantara telah dikaburkan oleh sebagian pendukungnya sendiri (alias <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">mahjubun bin nahdliyyin</span>) (cf. <a href="https://l.facebook.com/l.php?u=http%3A%2F%2Fkoran-sindo.com%2Fnews.php%3Fr%3D1%26n%3D2%26date%3D2017-01-24&h=ATMMQ31Rp_fw-HfkBKJZOwJFurbhhEwaMAgR74jI2ZKREJRmJmx6KEAQSPT4gEdZgkeAVdMte57E51h05XuoTsWuABYZVx3ZiyAI82gxMYiz2YuDJg80F5roxlJOW2xC7Cib17rNNQ&s=1" rel="nofollow" style="color: #365899; cursor: pointer; font-family: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Shohibuddin, Koran Sindo, 24/01/2017</a>).</div>
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<span class="_4yxo" style="font-family: inherit; font-weight: bold;">
MELAMPAUI EKSEPSIONALISME</span></div>
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Penekanan pada wajah pribumisasi—dan kontroversi seputar hal remeh-temeh mengenainya—telah menimbulkan dampak kontra-produktif, yaitu kecenderungan eksepsionalisme. Akibatnya, muncul anggapan seolah-olah Islam Nusantara milik eksklusif kalangan Nahdliyyin atau bahwa jati diri Islam Nusantara adalah sebagai lawan dari Islam Arab (cf. Ahmad <a class="_2u0z" data-hovercard-prefer-more-content-show="1" data-hovercard="/ajax/hovercard/user.php?id=717561794" href="https://www.facebook.com/najibburhani" style="color: #365899; cursor: pointer; font-family: inherit; text-decoration: none;">Najib Burhani</a>, <a href="https://l.facebook.com/l.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fnasional.sindonews.com%2Fread%2F1186907%2F18%2Fislam-arab-dan-islam-nusantara-1489068298&h=ATPl86lKwn4lq-LXjB2WpzurlJepe-YGQnouieWN9Af3r3JB9CyFm1RifmnuzFATQ2kZE26qgq2swhFKsfbFjCEeeEerOgM59O7z9eyqKP0-pkNRkswr7WnxDUumuf2y1C6F5SKt3g&s=1" rel="nofollow" style="color: #365899; cursor: pointer; font-family: inherit; text-decoration: none;" target="_blank">Koran Sindo, 10/03/2017</a>). Hal ini selain tidak produktif, juga kian mereduksi signifikansi dari Islam Nusantara, terutama keberadaannya sebagai kekuatan pembebas (transformasi).</div>
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Untuk melampaui kecenderungan eksepsionalisme ini, maka Islam Nusantara harus lebih didorong sebagai pelaksanaan perintah Allah untuk mencegah dan membongkar <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">al-munkar</span>, khususnya dalam konteks struktur ketimpangan sosial-ekonomi dan krisis sosial-ekologi yang kian parah dewasa ini, baik di tataran nasional maupun global. Penekanan Islam Nusantara sebagai kekuatan pembebas inilah hakikat dari perjuangan humanisasi seutuh-utuhnya tanpa tersekat oleh ikatan primordial, sosial maupun greografis. Pada saat yang sama, perjuangan humanisasi semacam ini merupakan panggilan untuk semua kalangan, melampaui batas-batas parokialisme keagamaan, etnis maupun kebangsaan. []</div>
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*) Versi lebih singkat dari tulisan ini telah dimuat di Koran Sindo, 11 April 2017</div>
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**) Penulis adalah pengarah konferensi internasional <span class="_4yxp" style="font-family: inherit; font-style: italic;">“Rethinking Indonesia’s Islam Nusantara: From Local Relevance to Global Significance,” </span>diselenggarakan Pengurus Cabang Istimewa NU Belanda pada 27 Maret 2017 di Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam.</div>
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